Westerners who have visited Haiphong recently agree with Eastern Europeans that the port is jammed with shipping carrying huge quantities of essential supplies.

There has been no bombing of the Haiphong port area. One Westerner said the city was untouched and that the attacks on oil depots there had been precise and effective.

The great quantities of supplies and, presumably, arms are moved out of Haiphong into the countryside. It is certainly true, as a British observer, Norman Barrymaine, has reported, that quantities of material are scattered over the landscape. This is particularly visible at distances from Hanoi.

To this observer it looked like deliberate dispersion. Half the supplies in the country seemed to this correspondent to be dumped at random. looked normal for wartime military dispersion.

However, they

The basic question would seem to be: Has all this hurt the North Vietnamese so much that they are ready to quit? Their answer is, "By no means!" And they say that they expect their task to get a lot harder before it gets easier.

PHAM VAN DONG PLACES STRESS IN INTERVIEW ON ENDING THE FIGHTING (By Harrison E. Salisbury)

HANOI, NORTH VIETNAM, Jan. 3.--In a detailed discussion of North Vietnam's views on the war in Vietnam, Premier Pham Van Dong emphasized that once hostilities were brought to an end, it would be possible to "speak of other things." "The moment the United States puts an end to the war, we will respect each other and settle every question," he said. "Why don't you [the United States] think that way?"

At another point, he said that with a cessation of hostilities, "we can speak about other things." He added: "After this there will be no lack of generosity on our part-you may be sure of that."

The Premier, who conducted the four-hour conversation in a reception room of the Presidential Palace, spoke vivaciously, swinging around in his chair to face his interviewer directly.

He said that he did not care for interviews because he thought they hampered a free exchange of opinions. He took as a framework for his remarks a series of questions put to him by the correspondent in advance, but these were merely take-off points in a wide-ranging discussion.

The Premier also took the occasion to discuss proposals from various quarters for bringing the war to an end by discussion. He appeared thoroughly aware of the wide variety of proposals that have been advanced, and did not hesitate to express his views on some questions privately.

The discussion closed on an optimistic note. Mr. Dong said that frank talk was a good thing and was essential to understanding.

"If we do not agree today we will agree tomorrow," he said. "Otherwise the day after tomorrow."

At the same time the Premier stressed again and again that North Vietnam was prepared to fight 10 years, 20 years, or any number of years in support of its sovereignty and independence in its "sacred war."

"We are determined to fight on until our sacred rights are recognized," he said, stressing Vietnam's valiant history in resisting invaders.

Three times the Vietnamese drove the Mongols out of their country, he recalled, and he asked how many times the Pentagon wanted to fight.

"We are an independent country," he said. "We have our policy of independence and sovereignty. We are masters of our destiny, of our affairs, of our policy, of our policy both major and minor. If we were not independent we could not wage such a war as we are now waging. We are independent and sovereign in all our foreign policy. That is the situation up to the present, and so it will be in the future."

He stressed Vietnam's independence, he said, because in the United States "there has been so much misunderstadning on this point."

One question submitted to him was: Under what circumstances North Vietnam would accept volunteers? The Premier replied:

"This depends on the situation. We have made preparations. Volunteers are not lacking-volunteers for the armed forces and civilians as well. If we need

them, many will come.

This is an important point on which we rely. This point also shows the independence of our foreign policy."

By this he presumably meant that volunteers would come only if North Vietnam asked for them and set the conditions for their coming.

Premier Dong entered into an extended discussion of Hanoi's four-points for ending the war, which are as follows:

Recognition of the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Vietnam, and the withdrawal of United States forces from the area; pending reunification of Vietnam, respect for the military provisions of the Geneva agreements barring foreign forces; settlement of South Vietnam's internal affairs by the South Vietnamese under the guidance of the National Liberation Front and peaceful reunification of Vietnam by the peoples of North and South without foreign interference.

The Premier stressed that the four points were not to be considered as "conditions" for peace talks. He described them as providing a "basis of settlement of the Vietnam problem." He said they were to be understood as "valid conclusions for discussion."

"The big question," he added, "is to reach a settlement which can be enforced." "The party which has to make first steps is Washington," he continued. "We have no doubt on this point. We cannot press history forward. If this does not come about today, it will come tomorrow. It's no use to make haste. If we show haste, the question will be put wrongly and we will have to wait again. So let the situation ripen."

Mr. Dong said he thought the most difficult of Hanoi's points for the United States to accept was the third, concerning South Vietnam. On this, he said, the North fully supports the Communist-led Liberation Front, the political arm of the Vietcong, and nothing can divide the two parts of the country. However, he thought actual reunification would not be a sudden process and he said there was no intention in the North to annex the South.

"We will consider this among ourselves," he said. "We will settle it by the most convenient means. There is no rush about it."

As to how long the war might go on if unresolved by negotiation, he said: "We are prepared for a long war because a people's war must be a long war, a war against aggression has to be a long war. It lasts until there is no more aggression.

Nobody knows how long it will be.

"We are preparing for that kind of war. Everyone of our citizens thinks like that. This is the kind of question often put to us by foreigners because they don't understand."

"This kind of question surprises us," the Premier commented. "How many years? What I used to tell our friends was that the younger generation will fight better than we even kids just so high. They are preparing themselves. That's the situation.

Our

"I'm not telling that to impress anyone. It's the truth. It's the logical consequence of the situation. Our Vietnam nation is a very proud nation. history is one of a very proud nation."

"How many years the war goes on depends on you and not on us," he added. A repeatedly emphasized point was that the determining aspect lay not in American material superiority but in the fact that the Vietnamese fought for “independence, freedom, for life itself." The Premier said that the war "stands for everything for this generation and for future generations."

He conceded that this determination on the part, of the Vietnamese was difficult to understand, not only for Americans but for many of North Vietnam's friends in Europe who did not see how the North Vietnamese could withstand an American expeditionary force well equipped with weapons and the nearby Seventh Fleet. Now, however, he said, the North Vietnamese are able to demonstrate to their friends their ability to stand up to American material force.

"I have no hope of convincing you on this point,” he added, "but I must tell it to you because it is very important."

Premier Dong based his presentation on an analysis that found the North Vietnamese position one of strength, not weakness. He said Saigon and Washington did not agree with this analysis, but suggested that perhaps they would in the future. The bombing of the North, in his view, has on balance proved a military failure.

It has caused severe damage, he said, but it has not compelled the North to capitulate. On the contrary, he indicated, northern military strength has increased and will continue to do so after passing through a most difficult period.

The key factor in this, Mr. Dong said, is the courageous strength of North Vietnamese youth. He said three million had volunteered for the army.

The economic aspects of bombing have been overcome, he said, and the country is in a position to continue the war and expand its potential.

He insisted that the situation in the South had turned very favorably for the Vietcong and he particularly stressed political weakness in Saigon where, he said, intensification of the political struggle against the regime was to be expected.

AIDE SAYS LIBERATION FRONT IS INDEPENDENT OF THE NORTH-HE ASSERTS IN HANOI INTERVIEW THAT IT MUST BE HEARD ON ALL SOUTHERN ISSUES, INCLUDING A SETTLEMENT OF WAR

(By Harrison E. Salisbury)

HANOI, NORTH VIETNAM, Jan. 4.-The aims, aspirations and operations of the National Liberation Front are viewed by its leadership in terms sharply different from the picture held by many Americans.

This contrast in view was the highlight of an interview given by a member of the Central Committee of the Liberation Front, the political arm of the Vietcong. [The Vietcong are the Communist-led South Vietnamese force fighting against the Saigon regime and its allies, principally the United States.]

The picture of the Front and its role in Vietnam was presented by Nguyen Van Tien, a former Saigon professor, a member of the resistance movement since 1945, a member of the Front's Central Committee and its permanent representative in Hanoi.

Mr. Tien is a distinguished-looking, gray-haired man of quiet manner who has a considerable grasp of English. His office is housed in a newly refurbished villa close to the Foreign Ministry that once was the United States mission's headquarters in Hanoi.

As described by Mr. Tien, the Front is an independent entity. It now has 15 offices in Communist capitals, and several others such as that in Algeria.

His own task in Hanoi is not precisely a diplomatic one but "a special form not seen anywhere in the world," he said. But on all questions relating to the South, he added, his people and the North Vietnamese conduct discussions on the same footing.

"The North cannot speak for the South," he said. "Anyone who has to discuss South Vietnam must speak with the Front."

If North Vietnam has some question concerning the South, he said, its representatives have to talk the matter over with him.

He was asked whether all aid to his cause had to go to North Vietnam, and whether it was then funneled to the South. Not at all, he responded, explaining that if aid is for the South it has to be arranged directly with the Front. There has to be clear specification of what is destined for the North and what is for the South, he said.

PLACE AT PEACE TABLE

He emphasized that North and South were one people and one nation and engaged in a common struggle and said that this was why each had the right to demand aid from the other.

Asked who ran the armed struggle in the South-the North, as is presumed abroad, or the South-he replied: "The direction of the struggle is run by the South, not the North."

Since all questions on the South are settled by the Front, Mr. Tien said, it naturally must be represented at the conference table when peace talks begin.

What about reunification? The Front and the North would have to discuss that on the basis of equality, he insisted, and the Front would then decide all matters for the South as far as reunification is concerned.

He said Southern thinking was that reunification could occur only step by step. The first step would be to renew trade, mail and travel between North and South. Because of the division of the country, many people have not seen their relatives for 10 years, Mr. Tien remarked.

As to what steps would be taken after that or what time period might be involved, he offered no specifics but conveyed the impression that there would be no hurry and that there were many complicated questions to be resolved.

Some of these may arise from differences between the program of the Front and the policies of North Vietnam.

The Front has a five-point program calling for national independence, democratic freedom, peace, neutrality and reunification. The neutrality plank envisages a government generally aligned with neutralist Asian states such as Cambodia, Laos and Burma. In contrast, North Vietnam is a firm member of

the Communist block.

The Front says it wants to end all alignments to any bloc or system, whether American or Communist.

How the neutrality question might be worked out has not been indicated. Another point of some divergence lies in the political complexion of the Front's Central Committee (which includes, according to Mr. Tien, not only Communists but bourgeois intellectuals and members of the religious sects and other parties. There are differences among them as to the type of government that should be set up after the war, he said, some believing it should follow the socialist path and some the Communist, with the most powerful group standing firm for neutrality.

Mr. Tien's picture of the Liberation Front differed sharply from that held by many in the United States that it is an organization created and directed by and subservient to the Hanoi regime. Such ideals, he contended, are a serious miscalculation.

He said the United States should recognize the leading role of the Front in the South, both now and in the future, once peace is restored.

NORTH VIETNAM RUNS ON BICYCLES-PARTS ARE PRICELESS-OTHER TRANSPORT IS USUALLY POOR

(By Harrison E. Salisbury)

HANOL, NORTH VIETNAM, Jan. 5.-The best present you can give your girl friend in Hanoi is not a box of candy or even a diamond ring. It's a new chain for her bicycle.

The bicycle is just as essential to the North Vietnamese as the auto is in Los Angeles. Without the bicycle Hanoi's life would come to a halt. If by some magic weapon all the bikes in North Vietnam could be immobilized, the war would be over in a twinkling.

Hanoi citizens, according to foreign residents, are notably honest and theft is almost unknown. Diplomats say there is only one thing that sometimes disappears-a bicycle.

On the broad boulevards great sections of sidewalk are roped off in the early evening just before the movies start. Outside the theaters 600 bikes each with its wheel lock, will be parked row on row in portable wooden racks. Each also has a license tag issued by the municipal authority, which averts confusion since so many of the bikes are identical.

One of North Vietnam's leading light industries is bicycle production. Bicycles are also imported in large numbers from Communist China and from Eastern European countries particularly East Germany.

A bicycle from China costs 200 dongs since a 30 per cent price cut this year. The dong is nominally valued at 3.53 to the dollar, but its purchasing power is more clearly reflected by pay rates, which for factory or office workers range from 70 to 80 dongs a month.

Bicycles are not rationed, but the market is controlled by the issuance of purchase permits through places of employment. The same Chinese bicycle that costs 200 dongs in a store will fetch 1,000 in a private sale.

TIRES AND GEARS, TOO

Under wartime conditions spare parts are often in short supply, which is why a new bicycle chain is such a priceless present. Tires are good presents, too, as are gears, wheels and other components.

Hanoi has no taxis. Only diplomats and high officials have cars, and they are provided for foreign visitors. There is a small number of hand-hauled, rubbertired carts, but these are more likely to be filled with boxes and bundles than passengers.

Hanoi has a small municipal streetcar system using half-size tandem cars, but it operates only in the evening and early morning because of the bombing. There is a bus system for the suburbs and nearby towns, but it seems to run irregularly, mostly at night, utilizing a beat-up fleet of old, camouflaged buses. The bicycle is the key to transport in the country as well as in Hanoi. It is the bicycle that carries fantastic burdens when rail and truck links are impeded by bombing.

FROM TRAINS TO BIKES

One foreign resident told of coming upon a place near Haiphong where bombing had severed a rail line. A brigade of hundreds of bikes was on the scene. Freight was transferred from the train to the bicycles-600 pounds on each. In a remarkably short time, the foreigner related, the freight was moving along the bombed-out tracks to a point where it could be reloaded onto another train.

The most active period for transport is at night since the American air effort slackens then or is more easily evaded. Then the big truck convoys and myriad bicycle caravans roll.

The whole rhythm of city life has been geared to bombing schedules. Most shops open from 5 A.M. to 8 A.M., then close until late afternoon or early evening. The 5 A.M. shopping hour is not difficult for a Hanoi resident. Government offices and factories begin their working day at 6 o'clock, and by 7 o'clock the city is bustling with life.

The slackest period comes from 1 P.M. to 5 P.M., the period when bombing attacks have most frequently occurred.

In those hours foreigners usually stay in hotels or embassies rather than face the prospect of being caught on the street and having to take refuge in one of Hanoi's many individual manhole shelters. They are just the right size for the Vietnamese but Russians, Frenchmen or Britons often find them uncomfortable.

HANOI REITERATES ITS STAND THAT FOUR POINTS ARE BASIC-IT COMMENTS ON THEORIES THAT DONG'S REMARKS HINTED A CHANGE

(By Harrison E. Salisbury)

HANOI, NORTH VIETNAM, Jan. 6.-So much speculation and excitment were generated in Washington, London and Paris by Premier Pham Van Dong's remarks this week on the war that Hanoi issued an official statement today designed to bring the matter back to earth.

The speculation centered on Premier Dong's statement to this correspondent defining the nature of North Vietnam's program for resolution of the Vietnamese conflict. Foreign diplomats and press commentators read into his declaration two interpretations: that North Vietnam's position had changed and that its four-point program was negotiable.

The passage in the interview that stirred excitment was as follows:

"We have our point of view and we have put forward four points, which constitute the basis for settlement of the Vietnam question. These should not be considered 'conditions.' They are merely truths.

"The most simple thing is to recognize our sovereignty and our independence. It involves only recognizing the points in the Geneva agreements. The ruling circles of the United States do not like to accept our four points, and particularly the third point. That means that they are still clinging to South Vietnam, that means they are still introducing themselves into a tunnel.

"Now what can you do about that? We must come to a solution on the basis of the four points. Whichever way you may go around, finally you must come to the four points."

The Premier continued:

"Besides the four points, we have also put another point. That is to demand that the United States put, unconditionally and for good, an end to the bombing and all hostile activity against the North."

In discussion later on, when Mr. Dong was asked to clarify further the status of the four points, he phrased his response thus:

"It is wrong to say that we are putting some conditions. What I have told you are not our 'conditions,' but conditions for valid settlement. The question is how to reach a settlement which can be enforced."