I would like to tell you about the nature of the war because this is à crucial point. I take this opportunity to talk about the question which you raised för General Giap. You would like to know how we compare American and French generals, American and French troops. The problem does lie in that the problem involves what kind of war it is for the Americans.

We can say it is an unjust war, carried on for no reason, a kind of war in which the Americans have no advantage. From our point of view it is a sacred war for independence, freedom, life. It stands for everything. This war, for this generation and for future generations.

DETERMINED TO FIGHT

That is why we are determined to fight this war and win this war. Our victory stems from this very resoluteness. That is the key to a solution of all our problems. I think that this is something very difficult for you to understand. Not only for you—I say this to lot of our friends in Europe. They do not understand. They are afraid of American strength. They do not see how we resist an expeditionary corps of 400,000 well-equipped with weapons, and the nearby Seventh Fleet. And they are concerned that we could not win the war. But now we are being victorious and we are telling them that, finally, we will win. admit that truth. but they do not understand it.

They

I have no hope of convincing you, but I must tell you because it is very important.

Concerning the generals and troops. I will tell you that in South Vietnam there are puppet generals and half a million troops well equipped. But what could they do? The Liberation Army is not so numerically strong and their weapons are not so good, but they are winning. All are Vietnamese, but why on the other side are they so bad and on our side so talented, so supremely talented-talented without precedent? I think in history there has never been such a people's war fought with so much talent, and the Americans have to admit that.

Why? Because we are fighting a just war. That is clear and that is the explanation of our victory. We have won because of that. We are winning because of that. And if necessary we will win next year because of that. And if necessary the war may last many years and we will win because of that.

I want to tell you something which is very important. Military men of the United States found that raising their force to 400,000 troops was not helping to solve the problem. They think with half a million they can solve it. Some even speak six hundred thousand. Some say they may increase even more.

I have told you the crucial problem does not lie in numbers. I want to tell you another important point. The more American troops are put into South Vietnam, the more complicated problems they create, something which even cannot be foreseen. Politically speaking, this is something very dangerous for the American troops. If up to now the puppet administration is able to deceive some people, in the future it will not be able to deceive anyone.

The Vietnamese people in South Vietnam are seeing for themselves that the United States is fighting a colonial war, the most brutal in history. Do you agree? The expeditionary corps is entirely upsetting the economy of South Vietnam. There is increasing inflation. People cannot live.

THE WAR'S EFFECTS

And another thing. There is bad effect on social and cultural life. You have heard it said that Saigon is now a very huge brothel. Even girls of the upper classes are prostitutes to American officers.

From these three points we may say that the more American troops we put into South Vietnam, the more hatred it will cause among the Vietnam people.

And from this there arises a very new situation in Saigon-a movement in the cities, a struggle in the cities. You have heard of the dockers' strike. The movement in the cities will grow stronger and wider. It will embrace all strata of the population of the laboring classes, the bourgeoisie, even the upper classes, intellectuals, religious sects. It is a political development that you would never think of, that is a very, very important political development that will evolve according to the military situation and collapse the puppet regime.

These are things which should be admitted by the Americans. There may be some clear-sighted Americans who admit them. What will you obtain by intro

ducing more and more troops? The puppets are collapsing. These are fundamental points in South Vietnam politics.

We will consider these points, you and I.

As far as the North is concerned, you have been visiting in the North the last few days. You have seen what it is. The most important thing is that the air war of the Americans is a defeat. World opinion admits it is a defeat, because it has not been able to force us to capitulate. It has had no influence on the situation in South Vietnam.

ACHIEVEMENTS CITED

On the contrary the situation is better for the National Liberation Front and more and more dangerous for the Americans.

As far as we are concerned, we have achieved a few more things. First, our defense potential is increasing very clearly. This is something very fortunate. Our antiaircraft defense is on the increase and, generally speaking, our armed forces are growing stronger and steadily. We have passed the most difficult stages. Now it is time for us to expand widely and rapidly. What counts most is that we have very important and courageous strength in our youth. You may have heard of the very courageous potentials of our youth. In this war we have seen very clearly the immense courage and potential of our youththree million stand ready and proved their capability in every respect.

Secondly, in the economic aspects. First, the ravages caused by the air warof course they exist. But there is a second aspect. We have sought in every way to develop economic potential in keeping with wartime conditions and so as to avoid the ravages caused by the American bombers. We can draw some conclusions. We have built what we could and what we can defend in agriculture, in industry, in communications and in all other fields. On this basis we are in a position to expand our economic potential for the war and to prepare for a protracted war.

Now we come to the big question-the prospects of the war. How long will the war last? In this connection we are preparing for a long war because a people's war must be a long war. A war against an aggressor has to be a long war. Nobody knows how long it is to be. It lasts until there will be no aggressors any longer. We are preparing for that kind of war. Every citizen thinks like that.

I do not think you have much time left here to talk with our citizens. How long will the war last?-this is the kind of question which foreigners often put to us because they do not understand. That kind of question surprises us, and any Vietnamese. How can we decide how long the war will be and how can we decide when aggression will stop, when aggressors will stop sending troops to crush us?

That is why we are preparing for a long war. How many years? Ten, 20— what do you think, about 20?

What I used to tell our friends is that the younger generation will fight better than we even kids so high. They are preparing themselves. That is the situation. I am not telling that to impress anyone. It's the truth. That is a logical consequence of the situation. Our Vietnam nation is a very proud nation. Our history is one of a very proud nation. Mongol invaders came. They were defeated the first time, the second time and the third time. Now how many times does the Pentagon want to fight? So how many years the war goes on depends on you not on us.

That is the first point.

AGGRESSION CHARGED

Now the second point-the question about a settlement.

Of course, you are interested in a settlement, I fully understand I agree to talk with you about this, but to have good talk we must start with the origin of the war that we were just talking about.

For us a settlement is a very simple question. As far as we are concerned, is a war of aggerssion, a colonial war, an unjust war.

So a settlement is to stop it.

This kind of logic is flawless and irrefutable. Do you agree?

We must live with this world. But we must have our point of view and fight for what is sound and sacred. Our struggle is a sacred struggle for our independence and freedom, no more and no less, and any settlement must stem from

this and lead to this point. For us that is something that cannot be compromised.

Now for the best solution is that the American stop their war of aggression, The whole problem lies in that. So long as the Americans do not think that way, there will be no solution to the war. They will continue to fight against us and we will continue to oppose them.

Is there any way to make them understand? That is your business, and people like you must shoulder the responsibility. People sometimes say something which is not very correct and speak about the honor of America. Where lies the honor of the United States? The legitimate honor of the United States consists in not fighting an unjust war, and if the United States have fought an unjust war, it would be better for them not to speak of honor any longer. There is no other war. Am I correct in saying this? I think that I am. There is a precedent in history-the French in Algeria. Why could not America do the same?

QUESTION OF RESPECT

As far as we are concerned, we must fight the patriotic war. We do not think of humiliating the United States. The United States is a big power. America respects its own honor. But we also respect our honor, and the moment the United States rulers put an end to the war, we will respect each other and settle every question. Why don't you think that way? We have our point of view and we have put forward four points which constitute a basis for settlement of the Vietnam question. These should not be considered "conditions."

They are merely truths. The most simple thing is to recognize our sovereignty and our independence. It involves only recognizing points in the Geneva agreements. The ruling circles of the United States do not like to accept our four points and particularly the third point. That means that they are still clinging to South Vietnam, that means they are still introducing themselves into the tunnel. Now what can you do about that? We must come to solution on the basis of the four points. Whichever way you go around, finally you must come to the four points.

Besides the four points we have also put another point. That is to demand that the United States put, unconditionally and for good, an end to bombing and all hostile activity against the North. This point has its own logic, and the reaction and support of the world testifies to its importance. It is crystal clear that throughout the world people demand it-General de Gaulle and even U Thant.

What is the reason? It is not necessary to elaborate because I think you are of the same opinion. But the ruling circles and the Pentagon do not agree with this. Of course, it is still very difficult for them to agree. As far as we are concerned, our position is very clear and simple because the truth is always simple. It is composed of our four-point stand and the point I have just mentioned. Concerning South Vietnam, we have the third of four points. Now here is something else. Up to now there has not been a bit of goodwill from the United States Government side. In such a complicated war, if there is a lack of goodwill, nothing can be settled. We will never be decieved. We know

that while speaking of peace the United States ruling circles and the Pentagon are continuing their war. So we are not to be cheated. As far as world opinion is concerned, maybe at first it was deceived, but slowly it came to understand, as experience showed, that each time the Americans want to escalate, it is always accompanied by a peace move, from the Baltimore speech to the present.

Of course, I understand this better than you because there are many things I cannot tell you. That does not bring any good to the United States. If you really want a settlement, the first thing is to have goodwill. That is all that I want to tell you about a settlement. Now I want to talk to you about South Vietnam and the reunification problem. Concerning South Vietnam, we think the political program of the N.L.F. is a very sound program-for independence, democracy, peace, neutrality.

SUPPORT FOR NLF

We think that it is a very clear-sighted and intelligent program, fully conforming to the situation in South Vietnam. It has won the warm support of the South Vietnam people. It has become more and more the objective of the South Vietnam people the whole people.

That is the demand of the situation. Since the National Front is the clearsighted leader of the struggle of the people, it has won warm support, it is now the only genuine representative of the people of South Vietnam. I must say the American ruling circles are very short-sighted in not admitting the situation. Whom are they fighting against? The N.L.F. They do not recognize the N.L.F. That is impossible. With whom will they settle? Of course, they must recognize the Front and talk with it. Surely the situation will evolve that way.

If the American ruling circles persist in not recognizing the truth, they will come up against bitter surprises.

I must tell you about the relationship of the Front and us. Vietnam is one country, one nation. But there are the Geneva accords. There is the present situation, and in South Vietnam there is the N.L.F., which is the leader of the struggle. We are fellow countrymen; we love and respect our fellow compatriots in the South. We respect their hard and courageous struggle. We respect their program of the N.L.F. The problem of the war in South Vietnam is to be settled with the N.L.F. in the present and in the future.

That is one of our main policies and a very important policy. So how will reunification occur?

We have made public many times our position. So did the N.L.F. We must be reunified. There is no force in the world which can divide us. Because we are a united nation. I myself am from the South.

How will reunification happen? On the basis of independence and democracy. By peaceful means. The two parts of the country will have to discuss together as between brothers what is the best way, by which means and through which stages reunification has to be carried out. There are many misunderstandings. People say we will annex the South. We are not doing this stupid, criminal act. We deeply respect the feelings of our brothers in South Vietnam. That is why we are supporting each other and uniting our strength in the fight against the common enemy.

REACTION TO BOMBING

You know what a strong reaction there was in South Vietnam when Hanoi was bombed. The motto was, if the Americans do any damage to Hanoi, our compatriots in South Vietnam will fight 10 times harder. That is not something we are boasting about. Our compatriots in the South say that Hanoi is the heart of the country and that is true. That is why we say we must be reunified, but we will settle this among ourselves. We will consider the situation, what is the most convenient means, and there is no haste in doing it. There are not many new things about reunifications, so I do not want to elaborate.

Now the last point I would like to make. We are an independent country. We have our independent and sovereign policy. We are the masters of our country, our affairs, our policy, our major and minor policies. This is very clear. If we have no independence, we could not wage such a war as we are now waging. We are independent and sovereign in all our foreign policy. That is the situation so far. And it will be the same in the future. I have to tell you this because in America there has been so much misunderstanding on this point. They are wrong. We do not want that they miscalculate on this. Because if there is miscalculation by the United States rulers, the situation is not good.

Among your questions there is another question. You ask when we will accept volunteers. I answered you that this depends on the situation. We have made preparations. Volunteers are not lacking-volunteers for the armed forces and civilians. If we need them, many will come. This is an important point on which we rely. This point also shows the independence of our policy.

I think that I have explained in the main all the points. Now let us talk. On what do you disagree and have you any suggestions? I said at the beginning that I would speak frankly because I am talking with a good-willed American. That is the basis of this talk.

FOUR POINTS LIST HANOI CONDITIONS

Here are the "four points" proclaimed by North Vietnamese Premier Pham Van Dong on April 8, 1965, as the basis for peace in Vietnam and reiterated last week:

• Withdrawal of all U.S. military personnel, equipment and bases from South Vietnam.

• Pending reunification of the country, North and South Vietnam must refrain from entering into any foreign military alliances and there must be no foreign troops, equipment or bases on the territory of either one.

• The internal affairs of South Vietnam must be settled in acordance with the program of the National Liberation Front, the political arm of the Vietcong. • The peaceful reunification of the country must be worked out by the people of both North and South without foreign interference.

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