we enter the war and for this cause will we battle until the last gun is fired.

I have spoken plainly because this seems to me the time when it is most necessary to speak plainly, in order that all the world may know that even in the heat and ardor of the struggle and when our whole thought is of carrying the war through to its end we have not forgotten any ideal or principle for which the name of America has been held in honor among the nations and for which it has been our glory to contend in the great generations that went before us. A supreme moment of history has come. The eyes of the people have been opened and they see. The hand of God is laid upon the nations. He will show them favor, I devoutly believe, only if they rise to the clear heights of His own justice and mercy.

ADDRESS ON THE CONDITIONS OF PEACE DELIVERED AT A JOINT SESSION OF THE TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS, JANUARY 8, 1918

The Czar of Russia was, to the outward world at least, unexpectedly forced to abdicate on March 15, 1917. Two days later his brother, the Grand Duke Michael, in whose favor he had abdicated, renounced whatever title the late Czar had to convey. A provisional government was formed, which was recognized by the United States on March 22, which, with various changes, maintained itself in power, pursuing a checkered course between the extreme radicals and socialists, on the one hand, and what might be called the conservative or moderate party, on the other.

On November 7, 1917, the radical elements of the socialist party, called Bolsheviki (meaning the majority party), led by Nikolai Lenine, who had united under his leadership the extreme elements, came into power and immediately made overtures for an armistice and a peace with Germany and its allies, inviting the other belligerents to do likewise and stating the conditions upon which a general peace should be made. An armistice was concluded with Germany and its allies on December 15, 1917, to last to January 14, 1918, and two days before its expiration a further armistice was agreed upon for a month. Representatives of the Bolshevist government met representatives of Germany and its allies at Brest-Litovsk to discuss the terms of peace.

Germany's enemies, however, refused to consider the terms stated by the Bolshevik government, and on January 5, 1918, during the Russo-German negotiations, Mr. Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Great Britain, delivered an address before the Labor Conference on Man-Power in London, in which he outlined, after consulting the self-governing dominions of the British Empire, and undoubtedly after an exchange of views with Britain's allies, the terms and conditions of peace which Great Britain would consider. Three days later, under these circumstances, when Russia had withdrawn from the war and was in conference with the representatives of Germany and its allies, and after Mr. Lloyd George had stated the terms and conditions of peace as they appeared to a European statesman, President Wilson, on January 8, 1918, delivered the following address, in which, after paying particular attention to the Russian situation and expressing sympathy for the Russian people in the crisis through which they were passing, he announced his agreement with the aims and purposes of the countries allied against Germany, thus showing the allied governments to be in perfect accord.

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:

Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss

the objects of the war and the possible bases of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between Russian representatives and representatives of the Central Powers to which the attention of all the belligerents has been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement. The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace but also an equally definite program of the concrete application of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on their part, presented an outline of settlement which, if much less definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific program of practical terms was added. That program proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory their armed forces had occupied, every province, every city, every point of vantage, as a permanent addition to their territories and their power. It is a reasonable conjecture that the general principles of settlement which they at first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own peoples' thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in

Σ

ADDRESS ON THE CO
DELIVERED AT A
THE TWO HOUS'
JANUA

The Czar of Russia was, to the to abdicate on March 15, 1917. Michael, in whose favor he had ali had to convey. A provisional gov the United States on March 22, in power, pursuing a checkered ists, on the one hand, and wh party, on the other.

On November 7, 1917, the Bolsheviki (meaning the majo under his leadership the ext. made overtures for an armi ing the other belligerents t a general peace should be and its allies on Decembe: before its expiration a fu sentatives of the Bolshev. its allies at Brest-Litov

Germany's enemies, Bolshevik government, tiations, Mr. Lloyd G dress before the Lab lined, after consulti, undoubtedly after e conditions of peace w these circumstance conference with th Lloyd George h to a European

situation and

which they w*

ments to be i

Adtives

hey speaking aments or for dimperialistic their whole policy

and of the Balkan

ne their associates tatives have insisted, e true spirit of modern s they have been holding statesmen should be held s, and all the world has been To whom have we been listeno speak the spirit and intention Ile German Reichstag of the ninth and intention of the liberal leaders any, or to those who resist and defy tention and insist upon conquest and

Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unin open and hopeless contradiction?

following addrey serious and pregnant questions. Upon them depends the peace of the world. poses of the obtever the results of the parleys at Bresttever the confusions of counsel and of purutterances of the spokesmen of the Central they have again attempted to acquaint the a their objects in the war and have again chal

GENTLE
One

Centra

:1.

t wait for it. Not once, but e laid our whole thought and dl, not in general terms only, but nt definition to make it clear what ms of settlement must necessarily Within the last week Mr. Lloyd n with admirable candor and in adr the people and Government of Great e is no confusion of counsel among the f the Central Powers, no uncertainty of vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of e only lack of fearless frankness, the only make definite statement of the objects of the s with Germany and her Allies. The issues of and death hang upon these definitions. No stateswho has the least conception of his responsibility ht for a moment to permit himself to continue this ragical and appalling outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of Society and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and imperative as he does.

There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian people.