But the time has come when it is necessary to plan for our mutual protection. We recommend, therefore, that the Executive Council be authorized to consider this matter during the coming year, and to enter into correspondence with representatives of organized labor movements of these various countries for the purpose of promoting a better understanding and closer relationship, to the end that all the workers of the various countries may be prepared to act concertedly for their mutual advancement and protection. We recommend also that some plan be devised for the exchange of fraternal representatives and delegates in some capacity, probably to visit the South American countries and Mexico, in order to carry personal greetings, and to bring back first-hand reports of conditions existing there. Of course, a representative for work of this character must have some knowledge of the Spanish language.

During the past year, a beginning has been made that ought to have an effect in promoting closer relationship and better understanding. The country just to the south of us has been passing through a period of terrible turmoil and distress. After many years of nominal freedom, yet actual despotic control, when the policies of the whole government were in the interests of employers and the exploiters, there came a rebellion for the purpose of securing greater freedom for the people, and the establishment of democratic policies and practices. Under the Madero government considerable progress was made, yet the effect of the past year's work plainly shows the lack of self-control and the failure to understand the workings of a government by the people and for the people. Madero was an idealist who had in mind the interests and welfare of the people. He gave them many rights that had been previously denied them. Among these was the right of free assembly and the right of free speech. The working people were given the right to organize into labor unions. Then there developed first of all the labor movement of Mexico. But the Madero government was not of long duration. Madero was succeeded by a despot who ruled without regard to constitutional rights. The people of Mexico who were struggling for liberty united in what was known as the "Constitutionalist" party, with Carranza as their leader. After a period of fighting they drove Huerta from power, and then there began a struggle between various leaders of the army for control and power. Gradually it became evident that Carranza represented the majority of the people of Mexico and that he stood for the purpose of constitutional rights, the principles of justice and equity to all citizens of the country. Many of his policies revealed a rare humanitarian spirit that is fully appreciative of the value of human lives, whether of humble position or of more influential. Carranza entered into a contract with the organized workers of Mexico known as the "La Casa del Obrero Mundial," which represented the trades and callings of Mexico's workers. This body is a federated body of unions, and its name has been translated by one of its adherents as "The Federation of Industrial Workers." The agreements which Carranza made with the people were circulated in the form of manifestos and posted on streets and dwellings of the Mexican cities. Their purpose was clearly that of the immediate advancement of the working people, their full right to organize, in order that they might be given opportunities to exercise normal activities for their protection. The Carranza government gave the labor organizations not only the right to hold meetings, but furnished them with buildings for that purpose. He inaugurated the policy of either taking over land that had been secured by illegal or sharp practices, or buying up large estates and dividing these out into small farms for the people. This was a practical method of meeting one of the chief difficulties in Mexico, a difficulty arising out of the large estates in the hands of comparatively few people. The labor movement in Mexico has sprung up since the time of Madero. The federated movement consists of unions of stone masons, wood cutters, printers, carpenters, shoemakers, musicians, and the usual skilled artisans. Of course, the federated movement of Mexico found itself hampered by lack of funds, for not only are the workers

of Mexico poorly paid in times of peace, but they had been under even worse conditions during the protracted civil war.

It had been the intention of the "La Casa del Obrero Mundial" to send two representatives to the American Federation of Labor, but lack of funds prevented the execution of this plan. However, the officers of that movement have communicated with the headquarters of the A. F. of L., from time to time, both through letters, telegrams and finally through a personal representative. This personal representative stated that the Mexican working poeple had chosen General Carranza as their leader in the struggle for freedom and that they were willing to support their choice with their lives. They felt that Mexico was working out her own problems in accord with her ideals and was in a position to establish the democratic government which they desired. The labor movement of Mexico protested vigorously against any action on the part of the United States which should interfere with the right of that nation to settle its own internal difficulties. The workers of Mexico felt that the people and the officials of the United States had been misinformed by those who had their own personal interests to serve through deception and misinformation. Any action on the part of the United States to interfere in the internal affairs of Mexico would be interpreted by them as in conflict with the ideals of free government, and in the interests of great corporations that had money invested in their country. They felt that they were entitled to the sympathy of the Americans who stood for an ideal of freedom and they urged that the Carranza army is made up of free men willing to sacrifice their lives for freedom and that the American nation bear with them yet a little while longer for they thought they saw in sight the goal for which they yearned.

The rank and file of the Carranza army is made up of the workingmen of Mexico, industrial lodges and trades unions. Many of these labor organizations have joined the army as a body and serve in the regiments with the officers of their unions acting as the officers of the regiment. A representative of the wage-earners of Mexico was sent to this country with a request from them to President Gompers that he do everything within his power to see to it that the effort of the Mexicans to secure greater freedom was given a fair opportunity. President Gompers has written several times to President Wilson in regard to this matter. He urged upon the President the plea of the Mexicans for time to accomplish whatever they desired and for the patience and indulgence of the United States in their efforts. This matter was considered by us at our September meeting and we decided to authorize President Gompers to write to the President urging upon him the recognition of the Mexican government with General Carranza as its head, upon the ground that that government was the representation of democratic ideals in Mexico.

Report of the Committee on Resolutions, adopted by unanimous vote:

Your committee recommends that this convention endorse the action taken by the Executive Council in connection with the subject referred to in this portion of the report.

From report of Porto Rican Federation of Labor to the Executive Council, adopted by the Convention.

MEXICAN SITUATION

General Carranza and his party, as appeared in the manifestos that we have received and read, has promised many good things for the workingmen for their protection, for their elevation and progress, but I fear that when the revolution is ended, if the workingmen have not enough organization and power to protect and defend their position, and to see that these promises are made good, the labor people of Mexico will find themselves in the same position that they were in before the revolution.

General Carranza and his party offered to the labor organizations, represented by the General Federation of Labor, the following permanent grants:

"The liberty of the wage working class to organize and to strike is recognized by our constitution which declares that nobody may be prevented from associating peacefully for any legal purpose. If it is legal for capital to associate I do not find any reason why it should be illegal for labor to organize."

"The constitutionalist government will distribute the national lands and will recover for distribution those tracts of which private individuals and communities have been illegally dispossessed, as well as acquire by purchase and other legal means more land should it be necessary for the solution of the problem. It will also place the agriculturist in a position to acquire farming instruments and to withstand the loss of crops by means of a system of agricultural credits."

"To better the condition of the working class a maximum time of labor and a minimum wage will be fixed by law. Special measures will be enacted to regulate the labor of women and children. Labor organizations that comply with the law will be recognized by the government. An accident indemnity law will be enacted to protect workmen and due care will be taken for the hygienic life of the workmen in the factories, shops and in general in all the centers of industry."

"The complete abolishment of labor as a means of paying debts is one of the conquests already realized by the revolution—a conquest that has won us our most numerous and stubborn enemies."

"Reforms of a social and economic character rather than those of political character. A change in the personnel of the government or the realization of political reforms is of small importance.'

"I am in favor of universal suffrage without any more restrictions than those absolutely necessary to make effective the vote of every citizen."

PAN-AMERICAN LABOR CONVENTION

In view of the close relations that are being cultivated by the big financial interests of the country through the governmental authorities of Washington among the various governments and financial corporations of the Spanish speaking republics, it seems both wise and necessary that the A. F. of L. should invite the labor federations of Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Chile, and of the other southern as well as central American republics to meet together in a great Pan-American Labor Convention, which should be held in Washington for the purpose of considering the economic problems that are to confront in the near future the various labor people owing to the fraternization and combination of the biggest capitalist representations of Wall Street and those of the said republics, which are ready to be mutually helpful to themselves, and to control as much as possible the business of those countries. That is to say, shipping companies, railroads, mines, banks, telegraphs, telephones, and the general combination of industrial, commercial and financial interests.

The masses of the people of those republics know very little about these great schemes and the working classes of these countries can not see now what the results will be. It seems to me that as bankers, financiers and manufacturers of the United States and the government officials of the various countries and merchants called and held a conference of all financial and polical interest, the A. F. of L. should call a conference of the representatives of all the Pan-American Labor Federations in order to meet the new conditions in a comprehensive manner and in behalf of the common ideals of liberty, justice, and the development of the spirit of the true American and true to the service of mankind.

International Relations in 1916

From the Executive Council's report to the Baltimore convention, November, 1916, which was unanimously adopted:

war.

WORLD LABOR CONGRESS

In our report to the San Francisco Convention we suggested a practical plan for the holding of a World Labor Congress at the same time and place as the World Peace Congress shall be held at the close of the present European The plan was suggested in accord with the direction of the Philadelphia Convention, which had adopted the suggestion that such a labor congress ought to be held, and directed that a practical plan be suggested to the next convention. The plan which we recommended to the San Francisco Convention was adopted by that convention and we were instructed to make all arrangements for holding the proposed conference. The convention authorized us to send as representatives of the American Federation of Labor to that Congress the president and one other representative of our Federation.

In order to carry out the instructions of the convention, we had prepared a statement setting forth the purposes of the World Labor Congress and the tentative plan for the congress which had been endorsed by the San Francisco Convention. This statement was to be in the form of a circular letter addressed to the organized labor movements of all countries. It was printed in English and translated into French, German, and Spanish, and sent, in these various languages, to the organized labor movements of all countries for which we had secured the names and addresses of officers. Despite the strict censorship maintained in all belligerent countries, we have reason to believe that this letter was generally allowed to pass the censors. During the course of the year many letters of inquiry and approval were received from various countries, and in our own country the proposed congress aroused general interest and met with enthusiastic approval. The influence which a representative group of workers of the world could wield in such a congress was appreciated by all those who had an understanding of the definite progress that the world has been making toward democracy and toward an understanding of human rights and human freedom. Somehow thinking people have been catching the meaning of democracy; they have come to realize that it means that the peopleall of the people-have a right to do things for themselves; that they need no longer to look up to others to do things for them, not even the things that pertain to government and international relations. Every worker, because he is a human being, has a right to a place in the world; a right to a voice in determining his life and the conditions under which he shall live, and a right to an opportunity to have his ideas and welfare considered before national issues are determined. It was the old thought that workers knew nothing about problems and issues; that they were to work for others and do nothing else; that the big things in life, that the fundamental principles determining affairs, should be decided by others—those of another class. As the workers have gained in economic power they have been able to justify their position, that they, the great masses of the people of America, had a right to determine all of their own affairs, and that the affairs governing organization of society were just as much theirs as they were the politicians or the statesmen or the employing or property holding classes. Tradition has given power of determination to these classes; their purposes and policies were primarily influenced by their personal interests and the desire to maintain control for their own classes because that insured the present organization of society. The guiding concept of the wage-earners is the paramount importance of the human being. Accord

ing to this understanding of life everything else land, property, influencemust be subordinated to human welfare and made to serve the people. This concept will never be made the controlling concept of society except through the will and action of the workers themselves.

It was this understanding and this purpose that lay back of the proposal made by the A. F. of L. to hold a World Labor Congress, by setting standards, presenting ideals and bringing these matters before the World Peace Congress and the people of all of the nations in such a way that they could not be ignored. In this way the wage-earners would have a part in giving a high tone to the World Peace Congress and in setting standards below which they would not dare to fall.

We regret to report that the proposal of the A. F. of L. to hold an International Labor Conference at the time and place when the representatives of the governments of the various countries shall meet for the purpose of determining conditions of peace and entering into a treaty was not approved by the organized labor movement of Great Britain. This action, together with the statement of President Legien of the Federation of Trade Unions of Germany that such a movement would be of doubtful practicability, necessarily requires that our proposition be abandoned.

When information of this official rejection of the plan adopted by the San Francisco Convention reached this country, because of the tremendous importance of the plan and of the infinite and boundless influence that a representation of wage-earners could have upon the deliberations of the World Peace Congress, the following suggestion was considered by us and adopted:

Since the first proposal submitted by the A. F. of L. to the labor organizations of Europe has been definitely rejected by them, we suggest that the organized labor movements of those countries that shall participate in the general peace conference to determine terms and conditions of peace at the close of the war, shall urge upon their respective governments that the wage-earners shall be represented in an official commission from their respective countries. The same policy ought to be pursued also by organized labor movements of neutral countries if it shall be determined that neutral countries also will participate in the general peace congress.

Thus representatives of wage-earners would be seated with other representatives of the nations in general conferences connected with the formulation of peace terms. In this way the ideals and needs of wage-earners would be presented and considered by the general official body.

PAN-AMERICAN LABOR RELATIONS

The necessity for promoting closer relations between the workers of all Pan-American countrics was presented in our 1915 report. The events of the past year, particularly the relations between our country and Mexico, have shown even more clearly the necessity of permanent international organization for the workers of both countries.

The San Francisco Convention endorsed the policy of furthering a PanAmerican Labor Union. The proposition began to take definite form in the United States-Mexico conference at Washington and was incorporated in the declaration signed by the members of the conference. The government of Yucatan, which is a labor government, had authorized and directed its representatives in that conference to visit all Pan-American countries in furtherance of a Pan-American labor organization. As these representatives were leaving Washington, President Gompers gave them the following letter:

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 6, 1916.

To the Workers of All American Countries:

A purpose has long been in the minds of many which has gradually been taking form and seeking an opportunity for concrete expression.