labor movement. In addition I am glad to say that my meetings served as a common ground on which many differences were adjusted between the leaders with the prospect of still firmer bonds of union.

"A socialist movement is starting in Chili which publishes its own daily paper and several weekly reviews.

"The labor movement prints several weekly and semi-weekly papers in various Chilian towns. In addition, in Valparaiso, the two largest and important papers published daily a section entirely devoted to labor written by men from the ranks of labor. These two labor editors and the president of the largest union of Valparaiso were appointed a committee to accompany me to Santiago, and introduced me to the labor movement of the Chilian capital. Delegations met us at the stations along the route bearing printed greetings and flowers and singing labor songs.

"In Santiago I found the same divisions as to tactics and labor ideals that exist in Valparaiso, but unity is steadily growing. I found many strong unions besides the Latin-American Center of which I have spoken, the Railroad Brotherhood, which is the strongest, tailors, commercial clerks, and an important federation called Congress Obrero, or Labor Congress.

"In Buenos Aires the political power of the labor movement is concentrated in the Socialist party, which has a much stronger organization than the trades unions, and syndicates. The Socialist party in this country has about fifty thousand votes and has elected one senator and nine representatives to the National Congress. The strongest labor organization in Argentine is the Federacion Obrera Reginal Argentine, or the Argentine Federation of Labor. This federation embraces twenty unions and syndicates, one of the unions being the Railroad Men's Federation, or Federacion Obrera Ferrocarrilera, with five thousand members. The Argentine Federation has a total of seventeen thousand members. There is another institution called, also, Argentine Federation of Labor, which is at the same time a strong organization. On account of their internal divisions I could not get exact information from it. Chauffeurs, printers and stevedores, have, also, a very powerful association. There are libraries, stores, and renting houses conducted by co-operation in the most modern form of co-operativism.

"In Uruguay I found a much better labor movement than in any of the others, but, nevertheless, it would be much stronger if it were not for the division of opinion among the leaders. Uruguay may be termed the Switzerland of the Western Hemisphere. It is the most liberal country in Latin-America in respect to legislation and customs of the people. The strong unions and syndicates that they have, have personality, influence enough to make the master class take them into consideration.

"Delegates will note that I was only in the four largest Spanishspeaking countries where there was a labor movement of size. And even in these countries I was only in the largest cities, being forced, for want of time, to pass by such important places as Punta Arenas, Antofagasta and Iquique, in Chili, and Rosario, La Plata and Mendoza, in Argentine, in some of them being even stronger labor movements than in the capitals. It should be noted that before the trip I have been speaking of I visited Cuba and Costa Rica. In order not to make this too long, I will briefly say that the labor conditions of these two countries resemble the conditions of Chili in regards to divisions of opinion in the labor ranks bringing about an inevitable weakness.

"The reception of my mission in all the Latin-American countries was one of enthusiasm for the idea of holding an international congress as the first practical step to a working bond, which, it is expected, will take the form of a Pan-American Federation of Labor."

Supplementary Report of Executive Council

We concur in the opinion expressed by the Executive Council that it is necessary to organize for peace in order to prevent unnecessary wars, wars for commercial and political exploitation or aggrandizement and unreservedly recommend for your adoption the constructive plan for that purpose outlined in the supplementary report of the Executive Council on International Relations.

Experience and history do not warrant us in believing that any plan will wholly abolish war, nor do we think that any nation can ever wholly relinquish the right to wage war. The right to oppose wrong and injustice is essential to the maintenance of the spirit and the purposes of ideals and institutions of freedom. Yet, while preserving our right to oppose any infringement of our rights and to protect our freedom, we hold that these can best be safeguarded by establishing institutions for dealing with relations between nations and thereby organizing that field for peace. We believe that through permanent institutions, mediation, conciliation and by directing forces and conditions as they develop, the causes of wars and wars themselves may be prevented.

We appreciate the fact that peace is essential to the highest development of civilization and that it is earnestly desired by all right-thinking people. But desire for peace is not in itself sufficient. There must be will for peace, together with agencies for making that will effective in the affairs of nations. There must be voluntary associated effort to establish justice so that there may be an honorable basis for permanent peace.

It is a purpose so valuable that it is worthy of our best thought and most intelligent efforts. The organized labor movement must present constructive suggestions if their concepts are to be considered while international institutions are in the making.

Therefore, we recommend for adoption the fundamentals contained in the report of the Executive Council as basis for an international organization for promoting justice between nations to the end that wars may be averted and human and national rights and freedom maintained.

International Relations in 1917

From the Executive Council's report, Buffalo Convention, November, 1917, which was unanimously adopted:

INTERNATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS

There has been practically no constructive development since the report to the Baltimore Convention on this subject. As was reported to that convention, there was, at that time, under consideration a meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions to be held in Berne, Switzerland, some time in December, 1916. The authorized representatives of the various trade union centers did not indorse this proposal and the conference was not held. Later in the year an effort was made to revive this project for holding a conference at Berne, Switzerland, but that also was not successful. For the convenience of the delegates to this convention as well as for the assistance of committees dealing with this particular subject, the correspondence upon this matter, as well as upon all other matters affecting international labor relations, is published in the November, 1917, American Federationist.

The announcement of the overthrow of despotism in Russia and the establishment of governmental control by the people is one of the encouraging results of the terrible European conflict. The change in Russia from despotism to opportunity for freedom created a situation that was extremely critical. The advocates of freedom in Russia had had little practical experience and only opportunity for theorizing. The ardent advocates of human freedom were now made responsible for putting their theories and ideals into actual practice.

Since the overthrow of Czardom came in the midst of the European war the Russian people found themselves confronted by two gigantic problems, either of which was enough to test the mettle and ability of any nation well disciplined and well schooled in governmental activities. They had to develop methods and agencies for carrying on the war against the central European powers and also to devise and establish immediate provisional governmental agencies and to develop permanent constitutional institutions. All who had the best interest of Russia at heart were keenly apprehensive lest the Russian people, in their eagerness to establish freedom and their natural desire that every vestige of despotism within the country should be abolished, might be more eager to achieve these purposes than was at the time compatible with practical constructive results.

Nations with free institutions have found that the ideals of human freedom can not be established at once but that it is a matter of development following a constantly broadening ideal. Governmental agencies can only afford opportunity for freedom-people achieve freedom in their daily life.

The people of the United States, one of the oldest republics, felt keenly their responsibility to place at the disposal of the Russian people the experience that we have acquired since our declaration of freedom in 1776. No class of citizens rejoiced more deeply in the newly-established freedom of Russia and felt more keenly their obligation to assist the Russian people than the workers of America. The enforced abdication of the Czar was followed by a provisional government, which made the following declaration of principles as the basis of an appeal for support:

"The new Cabinet will base its policy on the following principles:

1. An immediate general amnesty for all political and religious offenses, including terrorist acts and military and agrarian offenses.

2. Liberty of speech and of the press; freedom for alliances, unions and strikes, with the extension of these liberties to military officials, within the limits admitted by military requirements.

3. Abolition of all social, religious and national restrictions.

4. To proceed forthwith to the preparation and convocation of a constitutional assembly, based on universal suffrage, which will establish a governmental regime.

5. The substitution of the police by a national militia with chiefs to be elected and responsible to the government.

6. Communal elections to be based on universal suffrage.

7. The troops which participated in the revolutionary movement will not be disarmed, but will remain in Petrograd.

8. While maintaining strict military discipline for troops on active service, it is desirable to abrogate for soldiers all restrictions in the enjoyment of socal rights accorded other citizens.

The provisional government desires to add that it has no intention to profit by the circumstances of the war to delay the realization of the measures of reform above mentioned."

The Russian revolution was, in a large degree, the result of the aspirations and the efforts of Russia's workers. It was, therefore, particularly fitting that an expression of the feeling of America's workers should be conveyed to those in charge of the revolutionary movement in Russia. Therefore, we, in the interim of conventions, as the spokesmen of the American labor movement, sent cablegrams to the revolutionary leaders of Russia.

In order to assist the Russian leaders to steady the diverse and fervid movements in Russia which wished to direct constructive developments, the President of the United States determined to send a commission of special envoys to the Russian government. This commission was entrusted with the responsibility of conveying to the people and the revolutionary government of Russia a message of good will, hope, encouragement and support, and offering service and the experience and the methods of America in establishing and using free institutions. The Russian revolutionary government represents the will of the masses of the Russian people. That the American commission should receive the fullest confidence and trust of the revolutionary Russian government there was appointed upon the commission representatives of American workers and advocates of human freedom. In appointing the commission, President Wilson selected, among others, James Duncan, First Vice-President of the American Federation of Labor and President of the Granite Cutters' International Association of America. Mr. Duncan was the first representative of organized labor ever appointed on a diplomatic mission of the government of the United States.

From several different sources suggestions were made for the holding of international labor conferences. Early in the spring it was suggested that a meeting of International Federation of Trade Unions be held in Berne, Switzerland, to consider several matters, among which the most important were the continuance of the International Federation of Trade Unions, the publication of the Weekly News Service of the International Secretariat, and the program adopted by the Leeds Conference, which met in England in July, 1916.

The Leeds program was a declaration formulated by representatives of the labor movements of the allied countries. It contains proposals, which it was suggested labor ought to seek to have incorporated in the peace treaty that shall be drawn up at the close of the war.

It is our opinion that the Leeds* program is not sufficiently constructive or comprehensive to enable the workers to take best advantage of the opportunity that will come in the Peace Congress. We feel that the Peace Congress will necessarily have to recommend some fundamental proposals for the better organization of international relations in order that in the future there may be some permanent agencies for dealing with the problems that arise in international affairs and to enable the nations to co-operate for the better management of their common interests and their individual needs.

Labor is vitally interested in the character and the scope of such proposals and can not afford to neglect the preparation of a concrete program. The Leeds *Published in American Federationist November, 1917.

program does not contain suggestions dealing with this broader problem of international organization. Many of the specific articles in the Leeds program are concerned with matters of legislative nature, many of which in our country come under the jurisdiction of the several states and not of the federal government. For this reason alone, it would be inexpedient. so far as our country is concerned, to have these subjects included in the terms of an international peace treaty.

The feeling aroused by the war is so intense, and the customs affecting communications between peoples of warring countries are so unfavorable, that the proposed Berne conference was not held.

When the Russian situation became very acute and the impact of external and internal forces aroused serious apprehension as to the future of that country, there was an effort among certain Russian leaders to secure an international conference of labor representatives, either in Russia or in some neutral country. Stockholm was suggested. Labor representatives, chiefly from neutral countries, and from the central allied powers, went to Stockholm to carry out this purpose. However, a general conviction prevailed that the forces controlling and perhaps manipulating the proposed Stockholm conference, were really disingenuous and were in furtherance of the interests of autocracy with the hope of misleading the working people of all countries. We believe that the purposes of those directing the Stockholm movement were of such character as has been properly designated by the term, "peace aggressive."

The labor movements of the United States and Great Britain felt that they could not send representatives to Stockholm and act in good faith with their own governments and fellow-citizens who were sacrificing for the cause of human justice and democracy. Therefore the American labor movement refused to send representatives. The British labor movement at first acted in accord with the suggestion of Arthur Henderson, then a member of the British Cabinet, and voted to send delegates. However, when the British government refused to issue passports to the British delegates and Lloyd George published correspondence in which it was stated that Kerensky, the head of the Russian government, did not indorse the Stockholm conference as the proposition to hold a conference came originally from Russian leaders, it was felt that the conference did not carry enough sanction to make it effective.

The French government also refused to issue passports to French delegates. In the meanwhile the British labor party issued invitations to the labor movements of the allied and neutral countries to attend an international conference in London in August. Exchange of telegrams disclosed the fact that neither the labor movement of Great Britain nor of France were consulted as to whether these conferences should be held. As a consequence the fraternal delegates to the British Trade Union Congress were instructed not to attend that conference but to attend the conference called by the labor movements of the allied countries September 10 at London. This in addition to their duty to attend the British Trade Union Congress the week beginning September 3. In his cablegram President Gompers said that the American Federation of Labor was the official representative of the organized workers of America and that it could not and would not share with any political party the right to represent the workers of this country. The London conference of August 28 and 29 consisted of representatives of political movements rather than labor movements.

As the fraternal delegates of the A. F. of L. to the British Trade Union Congress would be in England at that time, the Executive Council authorized them to represent the American labor movement in the London conference. This authorization was given and the fraternal delegates, Mr. Golden and Mr. Lord, participated in the London conference. Their report will be made to this convention.