of the ensuing year, and this meeting directs that steps be taken to ask the Prime Minister to receive a deputation on the subject, the question of holding a national conference being for the present deferred.

We were invited to accompany the representatives of this joint meeting to meet with Premier Lloyd George at the Cabinet Chamber, and we were much impressed by the thoroughly democratic manner in which he received us. When he was informed that we were the representatives of the American Federation of Labor, he came around the table to us, expressed his pleasure in meeting us and very emphatically said, "We must have Mr. Gompers over here. We want him." If there have been any restrictions on expression or activities of men on Downing Street in the past, it is non-existent now, and these men, representing the workers of Britain, were just as much at home, were just as outspoken as they could possibly have been in their own council chambers.

The matter of the pending legislation was thoroughly discussed by the committee and the Premier, and Mr. Lloyd George assured them that no obstacles would be raised by the Government in connection with this matter, and the Government would stand by its original pledges or promises. Our observation of Premier Lloyd George, the man in whom is vested at this particular time more real power than possibly any other human being, is that he is a thorough democrat, and that he will be found working just as diligently and untiringly after the war in establishing the principles of democracy on an enduring basis as he is now working untiringly in the campaign of smashing the most brutal autocracy the world has ever seen. The British trade union movement is a real force in both the directing of the war and of the Government. They have been tested and found not wanting.

Conclusion

We regret that we were unable, on account of lack of time, to get in closer touch with the rank and file and the public at large, and especially the two great divisions of the workers in which we were most directly connected-the miners and the textile workers. We regret that for the same reasons we were unable to get into direct communication with the French workers and public. We were nineteen days on the ship going, were ashore in Britain only a month, and were in session the greater part of the time. We had numerous invitations to address public meetings in Britain, and were urgently requested by Jouhaux to go to France for similar meetings. Time would not permit, and when arrangements were made by which we could have gone to France and the western front, we were notified that our ship was likely to sail any day. There is no such thing as schedule on the high seas in these times, and we were compelled to forego any arrangements for further speaking. We did, however, attend a meeting in Manchester of the textile workers, both conflicting branches being present, and, largely through the reasoning and advice of Brother Golden, the beginning of a unity movement was inaugurated, which will in all likelihood bring all the textile workers back into one movement again.

The people of Britain and France are war-weary, but the determination is everywhere to go on to the finish. The general spirit prevailing is something that cannot be adequately described. There is no spirit of surrender manifest anywhere. They do not cheer or get excited. When asked about a son, brother or father, they have invariably one or two replies-"He has joined up" or "He has gone under." They will fight on in this spirit until victory is achieved for the allies.

One of the most tragic stories ever human being listened to was the statement of the delegate from Serbia, where out of an array of 40,000 trade unionists not more than 12,000 were now alive. But not a suspicion of despair from him. Jouhaux has had, and now has a giant's task, and he is well equipped for the

job. The Confederation du Travail was several years ago captured by syndicalism, the most alluring philosophy ever the untried or inexperienced workers listened to. Herve and others fired the passions and souls of the French workers by their exposition of this, to them, wonderful new economic doctrine. The fact that Herve and others lived to revise their judgment and Herve was courageous enough to issue a statement to all the world acknowledging his mistakes, did not undo the mischief. Jouhaux is a wonderfully able man, a real orator and a sound thinker, and he is gradually shaping the French labor movement into a real, militant, enduring institution, not by simply attacking syndicalism as such, but by inculcating sound thoughts, ideas and tactics into the minds of the workers. But the German troops have occupied and are occupying some of France's richest industrial districts, and many of the best and ablest of France's trade unionists, both leaders and of the rank and file, have made the supreme sacrifice.

Jouhaux and his colleagues are, in spite of all these things, holding the economic movement intact, and giving all that is in them, mentally and physically, that the efforts and achievements of the workers of France shall be held intact now, and that they be in the best possible position to assume the gigantic task that will devolve on them when the war is ended. It was a keen disappointment to Mr. Jouhaux that time would not permit our going to France to help and advise with him and his colleagues.

The trade union movement of Britain is holding its own and making some real advances in war time. Where established conditions have been surrendered on the altar of necessity, they have surrounded them with proper guarantees and safeguards. They have increased their membership more during the period of war than ever before in their history, reporting more than 3,000,000 members in good standing at the Blackpool Congress. Excepting the few "Leninists" and sentimentalists, there is no spirit of pacifism prevalent. They would welcome peace, but not the ominous calm that precedes another storm, and they know that there can be no assurance of peace in the world, no faith or respect for pledges or treaties until the Prussian military machine is smashed beyond any possibility of repair. Women have invaded the industrial arena in large numbers, are to a large extent operating the street railways, busses, taxicabs, are working in the machine shops, as teamsters, etc., and are voluntarily joining their respective unions, the unions generally establishing the same rate of wages for the women workers as men get for the same class of work. There are some exceptions, sometimes among the workers themselves, but generally the same rate per hour is paid.

We can say without boasting, that the American Federation of Labor is regarded by the workers of the allied countries as one of the biggest, most trenchant influences in this gigantic struggle, and as a powerful influence in the after-war settlement that it is hoped will see the advent of the "society of nations." We here want to call attention again to the necessity, not alone for the maintenance of our ideals abroad, but for ourselves here, of the American labor movement being represented at allied conferences, whether held here, or on the other side. They are all looking on us as the big, strong, wise brother, and we have as much at stake, are as much interested in moving the procession of national and international democracy ahead, as they are.

The general sentiment regarding Russia is tolerant, sympathetic and hopeful. They make due allowance for the mistakes of the Russian people and do not lose sight of the fact that no set of the world's workers have been more suppressed, inarticulate, or denied the opportunity of learning through actual practice. They also understand the tremendous, insidious propaganda of Germany as it has been, and is, carried on there and throughout the world. They believe that the Russian worker, once he understands, will make just as great

sacrifices for his principles and ideals, and just as quickly as anyone in the world. The feeling is that Russia will clean up the internal situation, get rid of this accursed propaganda, and stay in the fight to a finish.

We want to extend to the A. F. of L. our appreciation of the great trust reposed in us, and the honor of representing our great movement, at this, the most critical time in the world's history. We have, to the best of our ability and opportunity, portrayed the situation as we found it.

We are reassured from what we have seen and experienced, that, no matter what the cost, in torture, suffering or death, the armies and the peoples of the allied countries are going on to a victorious conclusion; a victory that will mean the beginning of the end of oligarchy, autocracy, militarism, denial or prostitution of constitutional government the world over, and will mean the general moving up of the spirit of democracy in all lands, not excepting our own United States. We believe that the overwhelming majority of the world's workers are still internationalists, and when this holocaust is ended the workers on both sides of the trenches will again clasp hands and unite energies in a greater, more virile and representative international than has yet existed.

We have seen men maimed in every conceivable way, the blind men, the "gassed" men, the shell-shocked men; we have seen the women and children huddling in the cellars, basements and subways, night after night, during the air raids; we have seen the stamp and effect of this brutal war in ways and manner too various for description, and wherever we have gone, whosoever we have talked with, we have found the star of hope still shining, and the general belief that the people who have been forced into war will hold fast to their ideals, that the sacrifices will not have been in vain, and when it is all ended te gates of opportunity, of greater liberties, greater lives, and enduring democracy will be opened throughout the world for all the children of men.

Respectfully submitted,

JOHN GOLDEN,
JAMES LORD,
Fraternal Delegates.

International Relations in 1918

Report of the Executive Council to St. Paul convention, June, 1918

Since our report to the Buffalo Convention discussion of Labor's international relations has focused around three subjects:

1. Proposals to hold international labor conference in which representatives from enemy countries should participate, and

2. Discussion of "peace terms."

3. Reconstruction.

In continuation of the discussion of matters of mutual interest at several prevoius Inter-Allied Labor Conferences, British Labor in January sent invitations to the labor movements of the allied countries to attend an Inter-Allied Labor Conference to be held in London commencing February 20, 1918. The following is the invitation:

LONDON, 16th January, 1918.

DEAR GOMPERS: On behalf of the British Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee and the National Executive of the Labour Party I have the pleasure to send you herewith particulars as to the conditions under which we are calling an Inter-Allied Conference to commence in London on 20th February, 1918.

We trust it will be possible for the American Federation of Labour to be represented; for in addition to considering the British War Aims and any amendments thereto sent in on behalf of the respective countries, there is to be considered the very important question as to whether the time has arrived when we should hold an International Conference.

A third most important question will be the arrangements to be made for working class representation in connection with any official peace conference. Even if your Federation does not quite agree with the two committees responsible for organizing the Inter-Allied Conference, it would be desirable that your representatives, and especially yourself, were present to put the American point of view.

We have had a request from the American Socialists, but the two committees have decided that your Federation was the only body to be invited to this conference to represent America. I shall esteem it a favour, therefore, if you will give this matter your sympathetic consideration and let me know as early as possible any decision you may reach.

With all good wishes,
Yours sincerely,

MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS,

Washington, D. C.

ARTHUR HENDERSON.

This invitation reached the headquarters of the American Federation of Labor late February 9. The Executive Council was beginning its regular meeting on the following day, it was then too late to send a representative to be in time to attend the London conference, February 20. On February 11, the Council considered the invitation and authorized the President of the American Federation of Labor to send a cablegram expressing regret that owing to lack

of time it was impossible to be represented in the Inter-Allied Conference. In accord with that action the following cablegram was sent:

ARTHUR HENDERSON,
London.

WASHINGTON, February 18, 1918.

Your January sixteen letter reached me late Saturday, February nine, and brought to attention Executive Council, American Federation of Labor, in session on eleventh. We regret that circumstances make impossible to be represented in the Inter-Allied Labor Conference, London, February twentieth.

Executive Council in declaration unanimously declared, "We can not meet with representatives of those who are aligned against us in this world war for freedom, but we hope they will sweep away the barriers which they have raised between us."

All should be advised that anyone presuming to represent Labor in America in your conference is simply self-constituted and unrepresentative.

We hope shortly to send delegation of representative workers American labor movement to England and to France.

Please convey our fraternal greetings to the Inter-Allied Labor Conference and assure them that we are pledged and will give our man-power and at least half we have in wealth power in the struggle to secure for the world justice, freedom and democracy.

GOMPERS.

It will be observed that in Mr. Henderson's letter he stated that our Federation was to be the only body to be invited to the conference to represent America. Information had come to us that a group of persons had decided to send one or more representatives to attend the Inter-Allied Labor Conference at London February 20th, and it was for that reason that reference was made in President Gompers' cablegram to the fact that anyone presuming to represent Labor of America would be simply self-constituted and unrepresentative.

In addition, there was included in the cablegram sent to Mr. Henderson a statement that a representative from the A. F. of L. would not participate in any discussion or any conference in which representatives of enemy countries sat in. It was believed that this fact should be emphasized at that particular time by reason of the declarations of the A. F. of L. upon this point and for the further reason that there were some who in our judgment mistakenly or wrongfully urged such participation. When the war is won, the question of participation, in a labor conference in which the representatives of all countries participate, can be decided.

Upon the day that the cablegram was sent it was given out in Washington for publication. Some representatives of the press in New York cabled the message over to British papers. On the day of the opening of the London conference British papers published a garbled cablegram purporting to be sent by the President of the A. F. of L., in which the following sentence had been injected: "American labor believes German influences have inspired the London conference and until this is disproved will avoid the conference."

When the falsehood came to the attention of the Allied Labor Conference in London, the conference directed its Publicity Committee to publish the text of the cablegram as received from President Gompers, and also sent the following cablegram to him: