HOUSE JOINT RESOLUTION 204, 79TH CONGRESS The resolution asked the President to use his good offices to invite Italy to sign the United Nations Agreement of 1942-a move that would have removed Italy from the status of a defeated nation. The nature of the debate on the resolution reflected a change in the area of congressional concern from that manifested in the earlier hearings. The hearings were held on July 10, 1945, and reflected the atmosphere of suspicion that characterized relations between the United States and the Soviet Union after the defeat of Germany. Within the Truman administration, dissatisfaction with the Yalta agreements and a more general distrust of Soviet policies in Eastern Europe reflected a growing consensus that Russian expansion threatened American interests. Yet, the debate within the committee indicated that the attitudes generated by the war had not been completely replaced by the acceptance of the postwar competition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The supporters of the resolution, especially Representatives Marcantonio, Bloom, and Flood, all stressed Italy's importance in the postwar balance of power in Europe, and they presented a number of basic points in this regard. They argued that the United States would need strong allies on the European continent to offset the perceived threat caused by Soviet expansion, and that American support for Italian membership in the United Nations would contribute to an Italian-American rapprochment. Second, it was argued that Italian membership was probably inevitable in any case and, thus, the United States should take advantage of the situation to derive some diplomatic benefits. Finally, referring to the letter sent to the committee by Joseph Grew, the supporters claimed that the resolution would support existing State Department policy. However, another group within the committee continued to view Italy as an enemy state. These Congressmen emphasized the support given to the Germans by Italy and strongly questioned the claim that Italy had become a truly democratic state. Rather than aiding Italian reconstruction and admitting Italy to a full partnership in the postwar world, they preferred to treat her as a defeated nation. This was clearly a minority position; the sentiment of the committee was in favor of admitting Italy to the United Nations, at least as a measure to prevent the rise of the Communist Party in Italy. Despite the magnitude of the issues confronting the committee during the period covered by these hearings, none of the resolutions was ever submitted to a vote. The congressional position on Italy, as reflected by these resolutions, was never assertive or innovative. With the exception of House Joint Resolution 274 which was intended as a political weapon, the proposals were all cleared with the State Department prior to the hearings. The aim of Congress, in this regard, was to reinforce existing policies as they had been formulated by the executive branch-not to push for new approaches to diplomatic problems. RESOLUTION TO WELCOME THE PEOPLE OF ITALY INTO THE FAMILY OF LIBERATED NATIONS (H. Con. Res. 47, 78th Cong., 1st Sess.) TUESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1943 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C. The committee met at 10 a.m., Hon. Sol Bloom (chairman) presiding. Chairman BLOOM. The committee will kindly come to order. We will first consider House Concurrent Resolution 47,2 introduced by Mr. Ludlow [reads]: Whereas the Congress of the United States, democratically elected by the people, is in a position to convey to the people of Italy, the victims of fascist rule, and to downtrodden, oppressed peoples everywhere, our Nation's sympathy and friendship for them and our purpose to help them: Therefore be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That the Congress of the United States, speaking in behalf of the people who elected it, welcomes the people of Italy to the family of liberated nations. We congratulate them on the overthrow of the horrors and slavery of fascism. We sympathize with them in the struggle that is before them in reclaiming their country from the Nazi invader and in reconstructing their nation and we want to help them. In the cosmic evolution that is going on, the might of America is pledged to support by all reasonable and constitutional means the freedom, peace, and security of all right-thinking and right-doing men. We hail the overthrow of fascism in Italy as the dawn of freedom for all of the Axis-ridden countries, and as pointing the way to the final consummation of a peaceful world of selfgoverning peoples. The Chair wishes to state that he took this matter up with the State Department, and the State Department replied as follows [reading]: LETTER FROM DEPARTMENT OF STATE OCTOBER 19, 1943. MY DEAR MR. BLOOM: I refer to your oral request for a report on House Concurrent Resolution 47 "To Welcome the people of Italy to the family of 1 Members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 78th Congress, 1943-44 : Democrats: Sol Bloom, New York, Chairman; Luther A. Johnson, Texas; John Kee, West Virginia; James P. Richards, South Carolina; Joseph L. Pfeifer, New York; Pete Jarman, Alabama; W. O. Burgin, North Carolina; Wirt Courtney, Tennessee; Herman P. Eberharter, Pennsylvania; Thomas S. Gordon, Illinois; Howard J. McMurray, Wisconsin; Will Rogers, Jr.. California; J. William Fulbright, Arkansas; Mike Mansfield, Montana; and James A. Wright, Pennsylvania. Republicans: Charles A. Eaton, New Jersey; Edith Nourse Rogers, Massachusetts; Robert B. Chiperfield, Illinois; John M. Vorys, Ohio: Foster Stearns, New Hampshire; Karl E. Mundt, South Dakota; Bartel J. Jonkman, Michigan; Frances P. Bolton, Ohio; James W. Wadsworth, New York; Charles L. Gerlach, Pennsylvania; and Andrew C. Schiffler. West Virginia. Boyd Crawford, clerk. 2 Legislative history: Oct. 11, 1943-Introduced by Mr. Ludlow: Oct. 19, 1943-Hearings. The resolution did not come to a vote and no report was issued. liberated nations." The resolution has been carefully read, and I find no conflict with the foreign policy of this Government. It embodies the spirit of the Atlantic Charter with respect to people of defeated countries, and also reflects, I am convinced, the attitude of the great majority of American citizens toward the unfortunate Italian people. In connection with your consideration of this Resolution, I enclose various public pronouncements by the President, British Prime Minister, and General Eisenhower with respect to the people of Italy. Very sincerely yours, E. R. STETTINIUS, Jr., Gentlemen, we have with us this morning Mr. Louis Ludlow, who introduced this concurrent resolution, and he would like to be heard. Mr. Ludlow. STATEMENT OF HON. LOUIS LUDLOW, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF INDIANA Mr. LUDLOW. Mr. Bloom and gentlemen, first of all I want to express my sincere appreciation for your kindness in giving me this audience. The resolution I introduced is so simple and so selfexplanatory that it seems to me the mere textual presentation of it probably is sufficient, but I should like for the committee to know what was in my mind when I drafted the resolution, and with your indulgence I should like to read a brief statement about it. This resolution was originally introduced in the House on September 21, and I am pleased to say that the reaction to it, as it has come to me, has been universally favorable. The least enthusiastic comment I have heard in regard to it is that its adoption cannot possibly do any harm. My comment on that comment is that I do not consider mere innocuousness a recommendation, and that if this resolution would be simply an empty gesture, let us forget it. PURPOSE OF RESOLUTION But I shall try to show why, in my opinion, the adoption of the resolution would not be at all idle or meaningless, and why, on the contrary, it might be expected to bring positive results of high importance to America and the United Nations. My faith in the resolution is tied in with immutable principles of human nature which are as applicable to nations as to individuals. Good will is one of the very greatest assets any individual can possess in this world, and so it is with nations. When all is said and done, public opinion still is, and ever will be, the most potent force operating on this Earth, and I believe this resolution would be of immense value in attracting favorable public opinion to America, and the countries with which we are allied in this global war, to rescue oppressed peoples and to insure the future security of civilization. PROPAGANDA VALUE I think I may first speak of what I conceive to be the usefulness of the resolution for propaganda purposes. We of the United Nations have two powerful weapons which we can use in winning this war: first, the weapon of military might; second, the weapon of propaganda. We are making effective use of the former weapon, the weapon of military might. The products of our war factories are on every front. Our men are giving a splendid accounting of themselves in every theater of war. Every day demonstrates in a thousand forms their steadfastness, courage, and heroism. Of the latter weapon, the weapon of propaganda, we are making no adequate use at all compared with the possibilities such a weapon really affords. The weapon of military might is limited by manpower, natural resources, and technological equipment; the weapon of propaganda is limited only by the validity of our cause and the range of our ingenuity. We are fighting the enemy with only one barrel when we make such restricted use of our propaganda opportunities. When I speak of propaganda, I do not mean a propaganda of falsehood and deceit. I mean a propaganda of truth. Be it said to the everlasting credit of America that our propaganda is a truthful propaganda. We may eliminate certain facts and play up other facts, but while enemy nations are showing no regard whatever for the truth, our policy, generally adhered to, is to put out only the truth, which helps to maintain the high character and respect in which America is held in the public esteem of the world. The Office of War Information has a crying need for effective propaganda material to be used in cultivating an atmosphere of friendliness and good will among the subjugated people whose support we of the United Nations so much need in helping them to throw off the yokes of their tyrannical rulers. All available material of this nature is very welcome to the Office of War Information. In the Appropriations Committee room directly below where we are now sitting, Elmer Davis, director of the Office of War Information, gave our Deficiencies Subcommittee on last Friday definite detailed information concerning the operations of the propaganda arm of our government. He presented to us many samples of a great variety of leaflets which are being distributed by the millions-6 million a week, to be exact-over enemy territory. Many of these are dropped from airplanes; some are actually shot from guns. That these leaflets have had a tremendous softening effect is shown by the fact that many Italians and Nazis captured in north Africa and Sicily had copies of the leaflets on their persons and admitted that they had been influenced by them to surrender. I am thinking how particularly helpful House Concurrent Resolution 47 might be in Italy if Congress puts its imprimatur on it. and the Office of War Information scatters it all over the Italian Peninsula from the present combat line to the Brenner Pass. A message of this kind coming from America certainly would give hope and encouragement to the people of northern Italy and would have a revivifying and stimulating effect in strengthening their determination to drive every German out of their country, and that surely would be helpful to the U.N. war effort. Permit me to read its text and let you be the judge: Whereas the Congress of the United States, democratically elected by the people, is in a position to convey to the people of Italy, the victims of fascist rule, and to down-trodden oppressed people everywhere, our Nation's sympathy and friendship for them and our purpose to help them: Therefore be it |