Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That the Congress of the United States, speaking in behalf of the people who elected it, welcomes the people of Italy to the family of liberated nations. We congratulate them on the overthrow of the horrors and slavery of fascism. We sympathize with them in the struggle that is before them in reclaiming their country from the Nazi invader and in reconstructing their nation and we want to help them. In the cosmic evolution that is going on, the might of America is pledged to support by all reasonable and constitutional means the freedom, peace, and security of all right-thinking and right-doing men. We hail the overthrow of fascism in Italy as the dawn of freedom for all of the Axis-ridden countries, and as pointing the way to the final consummation of a peaceful world of selfgoverning peoples.

Coming from the Congress of the United States of America, the mightiest and most resourceful nation in the world, would not that resolution be a welcome message to the beleaguered Italians and inspire them to greater deeds?

SOME BENEFITS OF THE RESOLUTION

One thing this resolution would do, in my opinion, would be to wipe out, substantially at least, the damage that was unintentionally and unfortunately done by the "Moronic Old King" broadcast. While in the text before you there is no reference, direct or indirect, to that broadcast, the friendship that is radiated in the resolution for the real people of Italy would go far toward removing any evil effects that may have resulted from the broadcast. The people of Italy revere their King, and in the interest of international cooperation as well as respect for Italian opinion, we could well approve this simple expedient of removing any unintentional reflection on the reigning head of the House of Savoy.3

I am thinking, too, of the probable effect of this resolution not only among the people of Italy and other peoples still groaning under the lashes of tyrants, but also among the people at home. We have in America a large element that stems back into Italy. When we consider all of those that spring from Italian stock, and their friends, the number probably runs into millions. These are good, honest, hardworking, God-fearing citizens. Many of them during our war with Italy had their emotions torn between loyalty to America and the ties of family ancestry which pressed and strained against their hearts. The adoption of the resolution I have introduced would bring comfort and solace to them and would contribute, to a very considerable degree to our home morale.

THE STATE DEPARTMENT POSITION

The question may be asked, very properly, what does the State Department think of this resolution? I comprehend the great responsibility resting upon the State Department in the conduct of our international relations, and I would not urge the resolution for your consideration if the State Department disapproved it. I am happy to say that the resolution before you, House Concurrent Resolution 47, has the unqualified support of the State Department.

3 This is something of an overstatement. Immediately after the war, the question of retaining the monarchy was put to a plebiscite, and the Italians rejected it by a 6-to-5 margin.

I had intended to read a letter which I received from Mr. Stettinius, the Acting Secretary of State, but it is identical with the one the chairman has read to you, so I shall not impinge upon your time by reading the text of it.

ROLE OF CONGRESS IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS

One other point I would like to mention and then I am through with this sketchy presentation. I am sure that it is most pleasing to our entire Nation to witness the renaissance of interest by the Congress of the United States in the field of foreign affairs. The people are hoping, almost praying I think, that what Congress has done is only the beginning, and that it will continue to assert its responsibilities in that field in which American destiny is so historically and vitally interwoven. The people of America are looking to their representatives to speak for them in matters of important foreign relations. The masterful leadership of Chairman Bloom and the members of the Foreign Affairs Committee in reporting out and securing the passage of the Fulbright resolution was acclaimed from ocean to ocean. That resolution expressed the sentiment of America springing right up from the grass roots, and Congress is being honored no end for the statesmanship which gave expression to the popular mind.

I believe that the adoption of my resolution would be similarly acclaimed-not that it is as important from the policy standpoint as the Fulbright resolution, but because it would be accepted as an honest, sincere statement by Congress along righteous lines. It would be notice to everybody, everywhere, that while we have put into the field the mightiest military force the world has ever known, we, as a nation, are not unmindful of the finer things of life, all of which, I think, will help to build up our cause in the public opinion of the world, which I am sure is very proper and very worth while. I think that is all I have to say, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman BLOOM. Thank you, Mr. Ludlow.

The members of the committee are now privileged to ask any questions that they may have in their minds with reference to this matter. Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Chairman.

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Johnson.

Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Chairman, I first want to congratulate Mr. Ludlow upon his very clear and well presented argument in support of the resolution. It shows he has given it a great deal of study, and not without careful consideration. I think he has given some very careful and cogent reasons in its support.

Personally, when I first read it, I was a little doubtful of what the use might be of the passage of such a resolution. I will say this, however, Mr. Chairman, that I want to corroborate what Mr. Ludlow has said with reference to the effectiveness of propaganda.

VALUE OF PROPAGANDA

About 2 years ago I think it was, at a Brookings Institution meeting-probably some of the other members of the committee were there there was a German, probably 80 years old, a professor of history in the University of Munich and who, at the time of Hitler's

advent into power, had been named as Minister to Switzerland. He was always opposed to Prussianism and was opposed to Hitler and so, as I understand it, he had not been back in Germany since Hitler came into power. He is in the United States now.

I had a little dinner party with him before he spoke, and he answered questions. Someone asked the question what we might do to win, and he said that one of the most effective weapons against the Axis Powers was propaganda. He said, "You people in America do not realize its importance." He said, "I know from my experience in the last war. During the last war I was living in Munich and I know that those leaflets that the Allies dropped over Germany were read. You may not think they are read, but they are." He said, "I remember on one occasion, one of Lloyd George's speeches he made against Prussianism had been dropped in leaflets over Germany, and" he said, "one of the Germans came to me and said, 'Did you read that excellent speech of Lloyd George's against Prussianism?" "He said, 'that was wonderful." " "Now," he said, "As little as you think about it, these things that you drop there are read, and they do have an effect."

DOUBTS ABOUT ECONOMIC AID

Concerning the resolution in question, I had not given it serious thought until after hearing Mr. Ludlow's statement. It struck me that there might be only two things that might be said, ought to be considered before passing the resolution, and one is the provision there stated in the title: "our purpose to help them," and then later in the body of the resolution it has a provision saying "we want to help them."

Now, the only thing I was thinking about was with reference to what extent that committed us to render economic and financial aid. Some people might think that we are going too far on it. If the resolution might be shortened somewhat-I think that to abbreviate it probably is the best thing, and if it could be boiled down whereby that feature would be eliminated, that would be helpful.

IMPACT ON OTHER COUNTRIES

One other reason I think of that might be considered, which might be used in opposing its adoption, is this: Of course, some of those now fighting with us are so embittered against Italy, for instance France and the Yugoslavs and the Greeks because of the feeling of what Italy has done to them, and they might feel that we were playing too strong to Italy, and that that might weaken their ardor. I don't know, but that is a phase of it that I think ought to be considered.

Mr. LUDLOW. After all, their grievance is against the Fascist leaders of Italy, is it not?

Mr. JOHNSON. I think so.

Mr. LUDLOW. I do not know anything about Greek psychology, but I believe any feeling the Greek people might have would be more against Fascist leaders who are now exposed, and not so much against the Italian people.

Mr. JOHNSON. It is hard to separate that, of course. Personally, I am in sympathy with the resolution; in other words, this is the first one of our enemies to fall and we want to welcome them into the fold, but I think you ought to eliminate that phase of it. I think it might be wise to consider shortening the resolution and eliminating the feature of commitment towards help.

That is all I have to say, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman BLOOM. Have you any answer to that, Mr. Ludlow? Mr. LUDLOW. Well, I am thoroughly in sympathy with any improvement that might be made in the resolution.

Mr. JOHNSON. I think it is well stated. That is the only phase of it that struck me upon a casual reading.

Mr. LUDLOW. I am sure that the members of this committee, as able as they are and as familiar as they are with foreign affairs, could improve the resolution textually.

Mr. JOHNSON. I did not mean to imply that. I think it is excellently stated and forcefully presented. The only thing I was thinking was if that feature should be eliminated.

Mr. LUDLOW. As I say, I do not know anything about Greek or French psychology, but it seems to me there might be a bond of sympathy between the common people of Greece and the common people of Italy who we are considering here. And, I somewhat doubt whether this would have an offensive reaction in Greece or other countries. That is my thought.

Mr. JOHNSON. Of course, one answer to that objection I have raised is that these people and those countries won't see the resolution much. The ones who would see it would be the Italian people because it probably would not be broadcast.

Mr. LUDLOW. It would not be propaganda for the other countries, of course.

Chairman BLOOM. The Italian people today are helping the Allies. Mr. JOHNSON. Yes, I am just presenting this phase of it. I am not committing myself.

Chairman BLOOM. Well, we will act on it in executive session.
Mr. EATON. Mr. Chairman.

Chairman BLOOM. Dr. Eaton.

Mr. EATON. Mr. Chairman, I am sorry I was called out just at the moment that I wanted to hear the answer to Mr. Johnson's question because that is the first question that occurred in my mind.

Chairman BLOOM. Do you want to repeat it, Mr. Johnson, or shall we have the reporter read it?

[Transcript read.]

Mr. EATON. First of all, let me say this, Mr. Chairman, that I do not think this country is in very great danger when we have men such as Mr. Ludlow who have these ideas and principles and can express them so beautifully. I am very grateful to him for that.

PROVISION OF ECONOMIC AID OPPOSED

I think, however, that phrase "help them" has a lot of dynamite in it; it is very uncertain, and you can be absolutely sure that every nation in the world, and as many individuals as possible, will be waiting for a contribution as soon as the war is over because the

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idea has gone out that this country is just simply rolling in money and has so much now that it is trying to shovel it out with a steam shovel, and they would be greatly disappointed and annoyed if we did not come across, if we appear to make unnecessary promises.

I think we ought to give very serious consideration to the effect it will have. As I understand Mr. Johnson, who usually thinks as I do, he has raised the question as to the effect upon the Greeks. Now, you say the common people of Greece and the common people of Italy have an affection for each other.

Mr. LUDLOW. I did not quite say that, because I do not know.

Mr. EATON. That understanding was destroyed by murder and slaughter on the part of the Italians chasing the Greeks into the wilderness and starving them.

And, I know the Greeks very well. I know the Italians, too. Thousands of them live in my district. And, it will be some time before the Greek mind is open to any affection for the Italians. They look upon them as murderers and invaders, and that is what they have been.

Mr. LUDLOW. Under Fascist domination, of course. And now Fascist domination is a thing of the past.

Mr. EATON. Well, I have about come to the point where I have not had a lot of sympathy for a lot of people that are willing to take any kind of leadership and bow down. The Italian people have just the kind of government they were fitted for and they surrendered it, and that is the way we are in America.

While we are talking in grandiloquent terms about people, the fact is that the people need enlightenment and some moral stamina and standards and some intelligence. But I am for some resolution

Mr. LUDLOW. Dr. Eaton, may I interrupt you to say that my thought in using that word "help" probably was an unfortunate use there. It was not so much the material aid as it was the moral support and stamina that I had in mind.

Mr. EATON. We understand that.

Mr. LUDLOW. But the resolution undoubtedly could be recast so that it would cure that defect.

Mr. EATON. The word "help," as it relates to the United States, is interpreted in material terms first.

Mr. LUDLOW. As to the suggestion of dynamite being in it, in the resolution, I do not know whether you heard the reading of the letter from the Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Stettinius. It has been thoroughly considered by the State Department and has been unqualifiedly approved there.

Mrs. ROGERS. I would like very much to have a copy of these communications, Mr. Chairman. I would like to go over them.

Chairman BLOOM. Without objection, copies will be made and sent to every member of the committee.

Mr. LUDLOW. Mr. Chairman, I would be glad to answer any question, unless you have other business to present.

Chairman BLOOM. That is all right.

Mr. KEE. Mr. Chairman.

Chairman BLOOM. Dr. Kee.

Mr. KEE. I think, possibly, that the objection urged by Mr. Johnson and also spoken of by Dr. Eaton is well taken with reference to the use of the word "help." I believe that can be easily corrected by