Mr. EBERHARTER. That is all, Mr. Chairman. Chairman BLOOM. Mrs. Bolton. Mrs. BOLTON. I have no questions. I think Mr. Ludlow has our great admiration for his tolerant and understanding attitude that all of us are keen to have spread abroad in the world, and I want to thank him for putting it into such fine words. Mr. LUDLOW. Thank you. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Gordon. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. McMurray. Mr. MCMURRAY. No questions, Mr. Chairman. Mr. SCHIFFLER. I have no questions, Mr. Chairman. Mr. FULBRIGHT. No questions, Mr. Chairman. THE RESOLUTION CONSIDERED PREMATURE Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. Chairman, I think this is a view of expression, but I think it is an unwise expression at this time. We are giving the Italians a wedge which they might use in negotiations. There are a lot of troublesome questions to consider in our dealings with Italy at the proper time. I do not believe yet that the horrors and slavery of fascism have been overthrown, and I feel that in view of the past Italian history that, even though my sympathies are with those people who have been enslaved by the Axis nations, there has been too much trickery and subterfuge in past years. I can recall instances in the Turkish War of 1911, in the World War of 1914 to 1918, and even in the present struggle. That is all I have to say. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Chiper field. Mr. CHIPERFIELD. No questions, Mr. Chairman. UNCERTAINTY IN THE POLITICAL STATUS OF ITALY Mr. MUNDT. I have discussed with Mr. Ludlow the primary question that disturbs me a little bit in that connection, Mr. Chairman, and that is the possibility of an adverse reaction on the part of such people as the Greeks, if this amendment were to pass. That may have been discussed here today. Chairman BLOOM. Yes. Mr. MUNDT. So I do not want to go into that, but that is one of the things that disturbs me. The second thing that disturbs me is that I wish I could be sure, before I really support a resolution like this, or I would at least want to have a letter from the State Department Chairman BLOOM. You have. Mr. LUDLOW. There it is right there. Mr. MUNDT [continuing]. Saying that they have a democratic government, or do not, and that they have emancipated themselves from fascism; not a letter from the State Department saying they are for this resolution, but one defining for me the Italian situation in terms of express language. I cannot get out of my mind the fact that they have the same King, who let himself become the King of Ethiopia, and who let himself go along with Mussolini and fascism as long as it was profitable for him to do so. I do not know if he is still jumping from side to side now, or jumping back if the opportunity came up. I believe profoundly in the importance of psychological warfare, and I think Mr. Ludlow, as well as anybody else, understands the value of propaganda. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Gordon, did I call on you? Mr. GORDON. Yes. Chairman BLOOM. Is there anything further? Mr. JARMAN. May I make an observation? EARLIER RESOLUTION SHOULD ALSO BE CONSIDERED Mr. JARMAN. It just occurred to me. As you recall, Mr. Ludlow introduced this resolution just immediately after the overthrow of Mussolini. Chairman BLOOM. That was the first one. This was introduced after that. Mr. JARMAN. This was introduced after Italy declared war on Germany? Chairman ВLOOм. Yes. Mr. JARMAN. And I am just wondering if, in the consideration of the resolution, we should not give consideration to the first resolution if possible. I do not remember the wording of his first resolution or know whether it could be amended or not, but I just wonder if it would not be better to have the introduction date back when it first occurred rather than after war was declared by Italy on Germany. If the first resolution could be made to save this, maybe it would be preferable. Mr. LUDLOW. I think that could be done. Mr. JARMAN. Yes. Chairman BLOOM. Yes; that could be done. This was introduced because there was a certain release published, and Mr. Ludlow took it up. Mr. LUDLOW. Mr. Chairman, I want to repeat my sincere feeling of kindness and gratitude to the committee for giving me this very extensive hearing and opportunity to present the matter. As I said, I have no pride of authorship at all, and I am quite sure the committee, in executive session, might improve the resolution. I hope it will not discard it, but will consider the possibility of revising it and maintaining the central purpose of it, which I believe is good. I might say I could have brought with me a couple of dozen persons to testify for it, but I did not want to do that, and I wanted the resolution to speak for itself. And, thank you again, everybody, for your kindness. Chairman BLOOM. Thank you, Mr. Ludlow, and if we want any further information, we will be very glad to call on you. Mr. LUDLOW. If I can furnish any additional information, kindly let me know. Chairman BLOOм. Thank you. [Whereupon, the committee adjourned.] ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ITALY (H.J. Res. 274, 78th Cong., 1st Sess.) TUESDAY, JUNE 13, 1944 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C. The committee met at 10 a.m., Hon. Sol Bloom (chairman) presiding. Chairman BLOOM. The committee will kindly come to order. The committee has under consideration House Joint Resolution 274,* a joint resolution requesting the President to establish friendly diplomatic relations with Italy. The first witness today is Representative Marcantonio. STATEMENT OF HON. VITO MARCANTONIO, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK Mr. MARCANTONIO. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I am going to confine myself to a brief statement. I would like for witnesses who have come from out of town to have an opportunity to make their appearance. This resolution was introduced by me in full recognition of the situation now existing in Italy. It is the first time in 21 years that the people of Italy have a government which is prodemocratic and antiFascist. This is due to the fact that the Government is composed of the representatives of six political parties. These six political parties constitute all of the anti-Fascist and prodemocratic parties of Italy. It is the broadest democratic Government that Italy has had since the advent of Mussolini. The President of the United States, acting in accord with the leaders of the other United Nations, pledged that the Italian people 1 Members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 78th Congress, 1943-44 : Democrats: Sol Bloom, New York, Chairman; Luther A. Johnson, Texas; John Kee, West Virginia; James P. Richards, South Carolina; Joseph L. Pfeifer, New York; Pete Jarman, Alabama; W. O. Burgin, North Carolina; Wirt Courtney, Tennessee; Herman P. Eberharter, Pennsylvania; Thomas S. Gordon, Illinois; Howard J. McMurray, Wisconsin; Will Rogers, Jr., California; J. William Fulbright, Arkansas; Mike Mansfield, Montana; and James A. Wright, Pennsylvania. Republicans: Charles A. Eaton, New Jersey; Edith_Nourse Rogers, Massachusetts; Robert B. Chiperfield, Illinois; John M. Vorys, Ohio: Foster Stearns, New Hampshire; Karl E. Mundt. South Dakota; Bartel J. Jonkman, Michigan; Frances P. Bolton, Ohio; James W. Wadsworth, New York; Charles L. Gerlach, Pennsylvania; and Andrew Schiffler, West Virginia. Bovd Crawford, clerk. The text of H.J. Res. 274 appears in appendix I, p. 401. would have the right to reconstitute Italy and establish a government of their own. The presence of these political parties in the Government, I think, shows that the people have reconstituted a government of their own. The presence of the anti-Fascist parties in the Government guarantees against any repetition of dictatorship, or Fascist government in Italy. BENEFITS OF RECOGNITION Now, from our own standpoint, if Italy is recognized, and respect and dignity are restored to the people of Italy, that will cause the release of untold energies of the Italian people. It will result in the mobilization of an army that will effectively fight on our side and thus spare the lives of thousands of gallant American soldiers. It will inspire the Italian people to fight fully and unconditionally on the side of the United Nations. The recognition of Italy at this time will mean that the people of Italy, who for 21 years have been ground down under the heel of fascism will look upon this war as really a war of liberation for them and for the other oppressed peoples of Europe. It will mean another nation on the side of the United Nations participating totally in this war on our side, and at the same time it will mean for the people of Italy a new day to which they have been looking forward for many years. That is all I care to say at this time. I shall conclude now in order that other witnesses may make their remarks. ITALIAN SUPPORT FOR ALLIED WAR EFFORT Chairman BLOOM. From what source did your information come? What assistance have the Italian people given to the armies that 'entered Italy? Mr. MARCANTONIO. The people of Italy have welcomed these armies and have cooperated with them 100 percent, and to a certain extent the Italian Army is fighting on our side. Chairman BLOOM. Giving every assistance? Mr. MARCANTONIO. Every assistance of which they are capable, but the point is this: If the people of Italy are recognized as an equal ally, treated with equality as an ally, that will be a tremendous inspiration for a complete mobilization of the Italian people on the side of the United Nations. Mrs. ROGERS. Have you taken the matter up with the State Department? Mr. MARCANTONIO. No, I have not. It may be stated for the record that the Soviet Union has recognized Italy, the Government of Italy, and that Mr. Churchill made the statement that he was going to. LOYALTY OF ITALIAN-AMERICANS Mrs. ROGERS. The citizens of Italy in this country are all loyal people. Mr. MARCANTONIO. As well as we can estimate, over 1 million boys of Italian extraction are in the Armed Forces of the United States. |