any previous consultation and you say, "Well, now, you appropriate the money and that is all you have to do about it."

Chairman BLOOM. The Chair would like to state there, Mr. Fulbright-if Mr. Acheson will kindly permit-as I see it, it is the same as any conference. The conference meeting drafts their proposal and then a report must come back to the legislative bodies of all countries for acceptance.

COOPERATION NOW CAN AVOID EMBARRASSMENT LATER

Mr. FULBRIGHT. Very few of them of importance, but this is. And I was speaking with the idea of making it easier for everybody concerned if the Congress had something to do with the origination of those plans. That was all my suggestion [meant].

Chairman BLOOм. You mean for someone to sit in? You would not want the Congress to agree to this before it is agreed to by the different nations, would you?

Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not see anything wrong with that-a simple resolution. I do not see anything wrong with a resolution. I think it might help a great deal in the furtherance of it in the future. We would be having a very embarrassing situation if you agree to do this and then Congress would not appropriate any money. Would it [not] be embarrassing?

Mr. ACHESON. That would be undesirable.

Mr. FULBRIGHT. It would be embarrassing to the Government, and look what happened to the League of Nations. That is all that it would be.

U.S. OFFICE OF FOREIGN RELIEF: PRECEDENT DISPUTED

Mr. ACHESON. It seems to me, Mr. Fulbright, the Congress is in the same situation in regard to this as it is at the present time in regard to relief. The President some months ago created this Office of Foreign Relief and Foreign Rehabilitation and appointed Governor Lehman as director of it.

Mrs. ROGERS. May I ask how was that created-by Executive order or what?

Mr. ACHESON. That was created by direction from the President and by departmental order.

Mrs. ROGERS. Departmental?

Mr. ACHESON. Yes.

Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is unilateral, and doesn't involve embarrassment. It is only between us and not other countries.

Mr. JONKMAN. Wasn't it done as a pure matter of military necessity?

RELIEF PLANNING AS MILITARY IMPERATIVE

Mr. ACHESON. The whole business and basis is a matter of military necessity. There are additional factors connected with it, but you just cannot have an army going into one of these areas and no provision made for the population behind the army. You would be in terrible difficulties.

Mr. JONKMAN. Isn't this true, that this is a postwar plan?
Mr. ACHESON. It is both. It happens immediately.

EXECUTIVE DIVERSION OF LEND-LEASE FUNDS

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Vorys. At that point, then, do you contemplate that it could be financed-our contribution-from the President's funds and from lend-lease funds, or would a separate authorization have to be obtained?

Mr. ACHESON. I think that is entirely in the hands of Congress. The funds have got to be provided and the Congress can do it in any way it wishes to do it.

Mr. VORYS. No, it would not be in the hands of Congress if the Executive was of the opinion that the funds-the special funds appropriated to the President and the lease-lend funds-if the Executive said this money, until it runs out, is available for this purpose. Then there would be no necessity of coming to Congress for a legislative authorization. The Executive would make the decision that he already had that authorization. I wonder what the view of the Executive was on that?

Mr. ACHESON. I am not familiar with the present status of those funds except to some extent with lend-lease, and I was pretty clearly under the impression that all the lend-lease funds have been very clearly added up for specific purposes and that if you diverted any of these lend-lease funds, you would find you would have to come back at once for others.

STATEMENT OF ROY VEATCH, CHIEF, DIVISION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, OFFICE OF FOREIGN RELIEF AND REHABILITATION OPERATIONS, DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Mr. VEATCH. Isn't it clear some lend-lease funds have been allocated with the consent of Congress for expending for foreign relief purposes; that is, for civilian uses in the reoccupied areas? Those funds are small. It may be necessary to use those in a very early period before you have any other way to operate as a military necessity, but, as you say, that would go a very short way so that Congress must consider the whole thing in a very short time at any rate.

Mrs. ROGERS. Mr. Wadsworth secured the provision in the report that we submitted with the lend-lease bill and provided that the lendlease funds should only be used for relief under certain conditions.1 Mr. WADSWORTH. No, the report of this committee stated that the primary objective of lend-lease was military.

Mrs. ROGERS. I see.

Mr. WADSWORTH. But we realized perfectly well that it was a military consideration of great importance in keeping the civilian population reasonably comfortable behind our military lines.

Mr. ACHESON. Yes.

Mr. WADSWORTH. In other words, Mr. Stettinius 15 made plain to us, as he sent funds or articles to north Africa, they were sent at the request of General Eisenhower.

14 House Report No. 188, 78th Cong., 1st sess., to accompany H.R. 1501, Extending for 1 Year the Provisions of an Act to Promote the Defense of the United States, Approved Mar. 11, 1941 [Public Law 11, 77th Cong.], Feb. 26, 1943.

15 Mr. Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., was the Lend-Lease Administrator and Special Assistant to the President, 1941-43. He subsequently served as Under Secretary of State, 1943-44, and Secretary of State, 1944-45.

Mr. ACHESON. That is correct.

Mr. WADSWORTH. So lend-lease fills in that gap of what might be termed relief to the civilian population, but only as long as it is a military necessity or desirable from a military standpoint. Then I assume this authorization takes charge of a much wider field.

Chairman BLOOM. Would it be considered a military matter in postwar times, Mr. Wadsworth?

UNRRA MAINLY A POSTWAR UNDERTAKING

Mr. WADSWORTH, I am just expressing my own opinion. It has military implications, but I visualize this authorization described by Mr. Acheson as one which is destined to help readjust the terrible dislocation which the war has caused.

Mr. ACHESON. Yes.

Mr. WADSWORTH. And readjust and accomplish that readjustment mostly after the war is over. Some of these readjustments may be achieved in the country that has been rescued from the occupation of the enemy, but I visualize this thing as really being readjustments in a much, much wider field. Some of them may have a military implication, but most of them are relief and rehabilitation so as to put the world in order.

Mr. ACHESON. I think what you have said is entirely correct.

MILITARY PREROGATIVES

As I understand the situation that now exists, for instance in north Africa, all the lend-lease material which has gone to north Africa has gone on order and requisition of General Eisenhower, and that is a military operation. I am also informed that what the Army proposes to do in any operation, which it carries out, is itself to control everything that goes on in the territory until the time that its military operation is entirely at an end, and at that point will say, "We are now ready to have some civilians come and take over some of these functions."

Mr.VORYS. That is article VII?

Mr. ACHESON. Article VII is put in here so that they cannot come in. They just cannot come in until the military commander says he wants them in. But the plans, so far as I have heard of them, are that the Army did not want to have either an international group or civilian group doing things in the area until it has the whole situation at a point where it says, "We are now willing to turn over this."

Mr. WADSWORTH. As the Marines say, when "the situation is well in hand."

Mr. ACHESON. "Well in hand," yes. There are no funds that I know of at the present time which would even approximate that period. You have to come to Congress long before that.

Chairman BLOOM. Mrs. Rogers.

Mrs. ROGERS. Governor Lehman would not come in at present very much?

Mr. ACHESON. I think the only area Governor Lehman has had to operate so far is in north Africa and Tunis.

Mrs. ROGERS. That is under the military?

Mr. ACHESON. That is under the military. Now he has done some functions in those areas, but unhappily we have not been in a position yet to work with them [U.S. Office of Foreign Relief] in liberated

areas.

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS

Mr. VORYS. What about the International Red Cross, which carried on functions or has carried on functions somewhat similar to this? Would it have the effect of changing our treaty arrangements and practical arrangements with many areas? What would its position be after this organization went into effect?

Mr. ACHESON. Well, assume that the International Red Cross or its various branches, the American and others, would work out with the Director General the functions which they could both exercise in the area. Now, I do not know what they would be, but to take an illustration, he might well say that the dealing with hospitals and public health is something which they might do. He may not say that, but that is a possible division. I do not think that the International Red Cross or any organization of that sort would be adequate to deal with the vast scale on which purchasing of some of these basic materials and transportation and rehabilitation of agriculture and things of that sort would have to be done.

Chairman BLOOM. The Chair would like to suggest that Mr. Acheson be permitted to continue his statement on this whole thing so we can get it in the record and then the members of the committee can ask questions afterward, if you don't mind.

A VAST PURCHASING MACHINERY-AFTER MILITARY PERMISSION

IS GRANTED

Mr. ACHESON. Now, the only other things I wanted to mention are that the draft has the same provision I spoke of earlier, that all purchases by any of the member governments outside of their territories during the war for relief purposes shall be made after consultation with the Director General and through the machinery of the United Nations, the Combined Boards, or whatever machinery is then set up for purchasing.

And finally, this article VII, which Mr. Vorys mentioned, which says that nobody may go into any territory-no one connected with this organization may go into any territory until the military commander says it is proper for them to do so and then only under such restrictions and rules as he wants to lay down. That is to give him complete control adequate to his responsibilities.

BETTER STATE DEPARTMENT LIAISON WITH CONGRESS URGED

Chairman BLOOм. Mr. Acheson, don't you think that the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate and the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House should be kept informed of these very important questions concerning the nations of the world? You have 44 nations, you stated? Don't you think we should be informed right along what is transpiring so we would know what is going on?

Mr. ACHESON. I agree, Mr Chairman, and I shall be very glad to come up here.

Chairman BLOOM. Well, it is not coming up. We ought to go up there. We do not want to know about it after it has happened. We would like to sit in on some of these things and know what is going on, because eventually, as I said here, we have to legislate on these things. So why wait until it has happened?

DUTCH CALL UNRRA DRAFT UNDEMOCRATIC

Have you seen this article, Mr. Acheson, that was in the Washington papers on Tuesday, July 6, and which has a London date line, where the Netherlands is objecting to the draft agreement?

[The article is as follows:]

LONDON, July 5.-In a note presented to the United States last week, the Netherlands Government raised several strong objections to the draft agreement for the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.

The United States, Russia, China, and Great Britain have already reached a tentative accord for ambitious post-war plans to supply food and raw materials to the countries needing them. On June 10, Washington, on whose initiative the draft scheme was prepared, notified all the nations concerned of the project. As far as is known the Dutch Government was the first to reply. The Polish Government also intends to deliver a response soon, and like the Dutch communication the Polish note is likely to express firm misgivings.

It is clear that a number of other small nations, as represented by their exiled governments, fully sympathize with the Dutch viewpoint. They take a clear stand against limiting the Central Committee of the Relief and Rehabilitation Administration to the four great powers and in effect want to know just where they-the lesser interested countries-get off.

The Dutch note to the United States deplores the composition of the Central Committee of the Administration as "too exclusive and restricted," and expresses misgivings at the plan to let China and Russia share the dominant power in the rehabilitation of the post-war world. "However friendly and cordial our relations with China and Russia," the Dutch note declares, "our country differs so widely in its way of life that there is some doubt whether our interests would be fully understood."

Similar objections are lodged concerning the plans for Europe and the note mentions that excepting Russia "not one of the continental United Nations is represented."

The Netherlands Government, using even plainer language, asserts: "The composition of the Central Committee is not in accord with democratic principles.” Mr. ACHESON. Yes; I have seen this article. That is one of the governments that I said has sent us a note inquiring into this and some of the views which the Netherlands Government has expressed in this note I think are founded on misapprehensions. We are now engaged in clarifying and explaining to them what the functions of this Central Committee are. And is not an attempt, as they are afraid it is, to transfer the powers of the Council to a committee of the Council. It is simply to make arrangements [so] that between sessions there will be a group to which the Director General may go for support and advice on emergency problems which come up.

Mrs. BOLTON. Mr. Chairman.

Chairman BLOOM. Mrs. Bolton.

COMMITTEES BYPASSED BY EXECUTIVE MANEUVERS

Mrs. BOLTON. I think the chairman has expressed the thing that is in all our minds in regard to this whole thing, and Mr. Fulbright expressed a part of it, that after all, the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate and the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House is the