whose intentions were evidently inimical. They openly at length refused to pay taxes, or to acknow ledge the viceroy's authority: they feized his perfon in a progrefs he was making through the ifland, and released him only on condition he thould recall the troops he had ftationed in the interior parts. The malcontents continued their intrigues, and completely fucceeded in filling the public with complaints and diffatisfaction. Apprised of their designs, the viceroy perceiving the impracticability of obviating them, intimated the intention of leaving the ifland, and embarking with the English garrifon. In confequence of this intimation, a body of French and Corficans failed from Leghorn, and landed on the eighteenth of October in Corfica, where multitudes having joined them, they proceeded to Bastia, the capital, and fummoned the English garrison to surrender; but it effected its embarkation on board the ships in the harbour with inconfiderable loss, and withdrew to Porto Ferraio, in the island of Elbe, of which the English had taken poffeffion at the time that Leghorn was feized by the French, in order to prevent them from making a seizure of this ifland in the fame manner. The evacuation of Corfica by the English, and its return to the government of France, was an event peculiarly acceptable to the directory, which did not fail to speak of it in terms of the greatest fatisfaction, and to magnify it as of the highest importance to the republic, and detriment to the English intereft in the Mediterranean. The fact was, that the retention of it would manifestly have cost much more than its worth. The difpofi tion of the inhabitants was so little to be relied upon, and they had been so thoroughly prejudiced against the British government, that it appeared totally useless to endeavour to reclaim them by reasonings, which they would have difregared, or to coerce them by severities, which would have produced civil contentions and bloodshed, that must have filled the island with wretchedness and calamity, without answering any other purpose than perpetuating mutual enmity, and rendering the poffeffion of it a fource of endless perplexity. In this light the determination, taken to abandon it, was a meafure of timely prudence. These various fucceffes of the French, and of their partifans, accelerated the treaties of peace into which the princes of Italy had engaged to enter with the republic. The king of Naples and the duke of Parma had, conformably to the terms of the armistice granted to them, deputed commiffioners to Paris, to fettle the conditions. It was an auspicious circumftance for hoth, that Spain was at this time on friendly terms with France, under the meditation of the Spanish minister at Paris. These two princes were treated by the directory with more moderation than they could have otherwise expected, confidering the inveteracy they had manifested against the republic; much the fame conditions were granted to them, as to the other powers with which France had already concluded pacifications. Naples however was required to pay the sum of eight millions, either in money or in naval stores. The Batavian republic was formally included in this treaty, which was [12] concluded concluded in the middle of Octo ber. The conduct of the court of Rome was marked, on this occafion, with a temerity that was by numbers attributed to imbecillity, and the groffeft degree of bigotry. Notwithstanding the repeated defeats of the Imperialifts, fuch was the confidence in the prowess of the Germans, after Buonaparte had been forced to raise the fiege of Mantua; and in that fatality which had formerly attended the French in their invasions of Italy, that it was firmly believed at Rome they would be expelled, as they had been before, with equal lofs and ignomy; and that the fortune of the houfe of Austria would certainly preponderate. Full of these ideas, those who influenced the papal councils, were constantly averse to the conceffions demanded by the directory, as repugnant to the long established maxims of the Roman fee, and inimical to the Catholic religion. It was explicitly required of the pope, that he should revoke all those publications that had been issued in virtue of his spiritual authority, and that related to the affairs of France. This was a blow so directly striking at his religious principles, that no surprise was excited at the abhorrence he expressed of such a requifition. Herein he was seconded by all the zealous adherents to his tenets. Had no other means been used to combat the demands of the French, than reasoning and argument, no blame could have been imputed to their antagonists: but the spirit of bigotry and fuperstition rose up against them in manner that reminded the world of a the most despicable scenes of fuperftition that were recorded of former ages. The immediate intervention of heaven was reforted to, and miracles positively asserted to have been performed in many of the churches of Rome, in vindication, as it was construed, of the truth and dignity of the catholic religion, outraged by the iniquitous conduct of the French, and their wicked attempts to establish infidelity on the ruins of the Chriftian belief. The streets of Rome were filled with proceffions, and the credulity of the people converted into the means of inflaming them againft the French, as the enemies of the Divinity, and of all that was facred among men. The court of Rome did not seem to reflect, that by lending itself to such base and (candalous attempts to impose upon the multitude, they forfeited the confideration of all the reasonable part even of their own society. For though the propensity of the Roman catholics to give credit to miraculous events is well known, yet the more judicious and difcerning among them are very far from giving countenance to the absurdities that pass current among the generality. Such however was either the real or pretended belief in the impoftures daily propagated. that the zeal of all classes and conditions was rouzed; the populace was kindled to the utmost rage againft all who expressed a doubt of these wonders, and teftified the most violent ardour to enlist in the fervice of the church and state. The phrenzy of the monks, and of the weaker ecclesiastics, came in aid of that which appeared in the com monalty, monalty, and even some persons, not devoid of understanding, were induced to think, that the fury and indignation, excited by the perfuafion of celestial assistance, being at hand, against the French, might fupply the want of discipline, and animate the multitude to the most vigorous and effectual exertions. The French resident, at Rome, endeavoured to make the administration fenfible of the dangers to which it exposed the state, by these rafh proceedings; but his advice was rejected, and preparations of war occupied the attention of all men: not howevever without moving the compaffion of those who foresaw the calamities, or the hus miliations, that would result from these senseless measures, and the derifion of those who secretly ridicaled the idea of transforming a nation of bigots into an army of heroes. This, however, did not, perhaps, appear to the court of Rome, what indeed it was not, impossible; and, as to the number of those who derided fanatical and superstitious notions, was probably believed to be far lefs than it really was. Whether the pope himself was prompted by his own credulity, or that of others, he completely threw off the mask of piety and refignation which he had formerly assumed, as above related, and acted, throughout the whole of this business, as if he confidered the cause of the Roman see as intitled to fupernatural interpofition. So deep rooted his attachment to the rules and prescriptions of former times, that he liftened to no advice but that of ecclefiaftics, and employed no other persons to negociate with the French, though he well knew how odious fuch persons were to them, and how likely to mar all was negociations on that very account. He behaved, in short, as if he had lived in those ages when the ignorance of mankind, and the implicit respect arifing from it for the pontifical character, subdued the dictates of good sense in all transactions with the church of Rome; and enabled it to domineer over nations with an authority that filenced every argument, and commanded their obe dience to him, on the despotic principle of his being the vicegerent of heaven upon earth. And yet had he turned his attention to what was paffing around him, and even among his own people, he must have feen the fatal impropriety of trusting to the difpofition of men in religious or political matters, at the present æra, as might have been done heretofore. So impreffive had been the example of the French in affairs of religion and politics, in every part of Italy, that avowed approvers of them had arifen in every province and fovereignty of that country. Republican principles, especially were maintained by those who still faithfully adhered to the tenets of Chriftianity, which, indeed, they explicitly afferted, was totally unconnected with any form of government, and inculcated no more than obedience to the established laws, and fidelity to the government itfelf, whatever its form might be. As these maxims, however found and reasonable in themselves, militated against the systems prevailing in Italy, the ruling powers felt, of course, an invincible repugnance to them. Hence their abhorrence of the French, and their readiness, at the fame time, to enter into agreements with them, before their principles had gained fufficient latitude among their own fubjects to incite [13] them them to throw off the yoke, and adopt the system of the French, who might easily be prevailed upon, in fuch cafe, to give them effectual countenance. This was fully verified in the inftance of the duchy of Modena : its foverign, when he fled to Venice, had established a regency, which, contrarily to the intent of the armiftice concluded with the French, as they complained, fet about repairing the fortifications of the city of that name. This afforded them a plaufible pretext to take it into their own poffeffion: they dismissed the ducal regency, and fubftituted a government on their own plan, and which was to rule in their name. This change was effected on the eight of October. The city of Reggio, the next in importance in that duchy, had already caft off its obedience, and fettled a republican government, in complete imitation of that in France. This happened towards the clofe of Auguft. The cities of Bologna and Ferrara, which had submitted to the French about two months before, were now fo completely revolutionized in their principles, that they fent a deputation to congratulate the people of Reggio upon what they had done, and to offer them affistance against all opposers. After the French had feized Modena, an union of that city and those of Reggio, Bologna, Ferrara, and of their refpective districts, into one commonwealth, under the protection of France, was in mediately projected. The French forms and inftitutions were adopted in every refpect; but care was taken, at the fame time, to prevent, by the frictest regulations, all tumultuous proceedings, on account of differences in opinion, and to fecure the property of all those who behaved peaceably. Herein the conduct of Buonaparte was remarkably impartial: he threatened the severest punishment to those who violated the tranquillity of the public on pretext of avenging the state on the enemies to liberty. The spirit that animated the people of this new republic, and which was generally diffused every where, was highly unacceptable, to the aristocratical governments in Italy. At Genoa, the mass of the inhabitants was evidently inclined to the French system, but the nobles ftill continued inveterate to democratical principles. In the districts, fituated along the mountainous country, bordering upon the territories of Genoa, numbers of banditti infested the roads, and were privately encouraged by the Austrian emiflaries at Genoa; whose residence in that city was strongly suspected to be connived at by fome principal perfons in the Genoese government. These fufpicions, and the repugnance of the nobles to favour popular nations, prevented a cordial correspondence from subsisting between this state and the French republic. In the duchy of Milan, the republican spirit prevailed, with hardly any other opposition than of those interested for the Austrians, by the employments they had held in their service. The administration of af fairs, in this country, was now vested in therepresentative afsembly, chosen by the people, which exercised the powers of government under the protection of France. The members of this administration were men of confpicuous firmness and determination in the caufe they had embraced: they exerted all their abilities and influence over but especially the facility they would find, in conjunction with the French, to bring about every alteration necessary for their welfare. Never might fo auspicious an occafion re cur, to substitute the governments, founded on liberty, to the tyrannical systems from which every man among them, that dared to fpeak his mind, openly expressed his with their countrymen, in order to pre- count of the freedom they frequently The return of this odious domination was extremely dreaded by the Milanefe. Those, in whom the change of affairs had placed the fupreme authority, well knew, that, were the Auftrians to regain poffeffion of this country, its inhabitants would fuffer feverely, on account of the preference they had manifefted for the French; and that they themselves had no other prof pect than of capital punishment for the part they had acted. Swayed by these motives, they used every means, and employed every argument, to inspire their countrymen with the resolution to oppose, to the last extremity, the re-establishment of the Auftrian power. They published admonitions and addresses to the public, feveral of which were strikingly eloquent and pathetic: they warmly exhorted their countrymen, and, through them, the people of all Italy, to improve the opportunity, arifen from the entrance of the French, and their readiness to eman cipate the fubjects of the despotic princes, who had fo long opprefssed the country, to throw off the yoke, and to establish free constitutions. They enforced this advice with every reason that could be adduced, In pursuance of these sentiments, which were almost universally dif fused through all claffes, the administration publicly offered a prize for the best treatise that should be produced on the important question, which was the free government best calculated to promote the hap piness of Italy? The subject was handled, accordingly, with all the freedom it merited: the pens of fome of the most eminent writers were employed on this occafion, and though, by venturing, to utter their thoughts, they might eventually expose themselves to the greatest danger, their zeal and courage raifed them above all apprehenfions. The publications of this kind, that frequently appeared at this period, made fo effectual an impreffion upon those for whom they were intended, that a general inclination to take an active part against the Austrians was every where visible. They were, in fact, confidered by most of the Italians as the common enemy of their country, long before the French expedition. The only difference between these and the Germans, was, that the latter had poffeffion, and the former were striving to gain a footing. But then, the views of both were professedly opposite; the one meaning to retain his poffeffions, the other to fet them free from their present holders, and to erect them into independent states. [[4] Animated |