traordinary spectacle which the citizens presented on all fides, holding out their arms to their conquerors as to their only deliverers. We saw the allied troops sack and plunder, and those who were called our enemies respect public and private properties.

It was thus that the Netherlands were delivered from their most dangerous enemies.

The stadtholder abandoned, in a daftardly way, his country and his friends, and fought at asylum at the court of the king of England. The standard of liberty was planted in all places, while the French republic declared the Batavian nation free, and re-established it in its primitive rights.

The British ministers, enraged at seeing this republic still exist with out being in their hands, attempted at least to destroy it another way, by totally undermining its extensive commerce. Upwards of one hundred ships, the greater part richly laden, which either through foul winds, or as a measure of precaution, had fought shelter in British ports, as well as several Dutch ships of war, were laid under embargo, as if to prevent them from falling into the hands of the French. Their high mightinesses, it is true, sent commiffioners to London to claim them, demonstrating by the most solid proofs, that the Batavian republic was no longer under the dominion of France, fince the folemn declaration of its independence, and that England ought to conduct itself towards the Batavian nation, as towards a free people; they added, that the Dutch merchants would not risque the entry of their vessels into the ports of the republic, if it VOL. XXXVIII.

was for no other purpose than to furrender them to the French. The British ministers had, however, already made up their minds to appropriate this booty to themselves; and to augment it, they disseminated on all fides false rumours touching the situation of affairs in this country, to the end that they might, in the fame way, allure into their ports the merchant vessels belonging to the republic, which were still at fea. They have fince entirely violated the rights of nations; and all the Dutch vessels, to which his majesty the king of Great Britain had granted his high protection, were, in violation of the treaty of Breda, perfidiously declared lawful captures.

But what puts the feal to the acts of hostility and bad faith which the present British minifters have exercised against this republic, is the treacherous mode in which they have endeavoured to make themselves masters of her colonies. For this purpose they lent letters, figned by the Prince of Orange, and dated at Kew, the 7th of Feb. 1795, to several of the colonies of the republic of the Netherlands in the East Indies and to the Cape of Good Hope. In these letters, this perfidious and ci-devant minifter and commander in chief of these states, after having abandoned all his posts, ordered, on his individual authority, the respective governors to put the colonies of the States under the protection of the British arms; that is to say, in the artful and customary language of the English ministry, to furrender them to England. Notwithstanding this felonious stratagem has failed in the greater part of the colonies, through the fidelity of their governors, it was impoffible to prevent the Cape of Good Hope, from falling into the hands of the English; and several important poffeffions of these States, in the East Indies, have shared the fame fate.

While all this was taking place, the British ministry conceived the plan of attacking also by land this free republic, and of employing for that purpose those foldiers, who being more attached to the prince of Orange than to their country, emigrated on the flattering promises of England. -The fugitives were not only well received in the States of his Britannic Majesty in Germany, but were even kept in the pay of England; and if the defertion of the greater part of the army of the republic could have been brought about, there is no doubt but they would have been led against their country under English commanders, for the purpose of renewing here, if the fact were poffible, the scenes of 1787: of kindling up, as in La Vendée, a difaftrous civil war, and of thus deftroying the Batavian republic by inteftine commotions.

Is it therefore surprising that the Batavian nation, now free, seeks to reinforce itself against fuch unprecedented and numerous outrages, by an intimate alliance with a republic which snatched it from the gripes of its enemies? A treaty of peace and alliance was accordingly concluded at the Hague, on the 16th of May, 1795, between the two free republics of France and Holland. That treaty of mutual defence by which the inde pendent Batavian nation, fupported by a powerful neighbour, and unfhaken by the influence of a foreign

minifter, will be put into a condi tion to employ for the future its forces against its aggreffors, and of paying them in their own coin, has also been cemented.

His majesty, the king of Great Britain, after so many hoftilities have been exercised, was at length pleased to proclaim, on the 19th of September, 1795, by his council of state, a manifesto of war against the republic, but in which no ground of complaint was alledged. His majesty, it is true, says in this manifesto, that for fome time divers acts of outrage, contrary to the honour of his majesty's crown, and of the legitimate rights of his subjects, had been committed in the United Provinces, and that the ships of war which failed from the ports of the United Provinces, had received orders to take and fink all British vessels." The acts contrary to the honour of his majetty's crown which have been committed in the Netherlands, are the acts of his majesty's own troops, and the English nation will, undoubtedly, fooner or later, punish their authors; and with respect to the orders given to the ships of war of the republic, to repel violence by violence, has not the independent republic, so cruelly treated, a right of refiftance? his majesty had forgotten that the Netherlands were no longer under the stadtholderian yoke, and that his majesty's minifters had loft for ever, as we trust, for the fafety of the country, all influence over the independent Batavian republic.

It is therefore with a perfect confidence in that love of the country, in that energy, and in that courage with which liberty alone can infpite a nation, for a long time infulted and oppreffed, that that the independent Batavian nation folemnly declares in the face of Europe, through the organ of its legitimate representatives, that, obliged to defend itself against the acts of perfidy and violence of the neighbouring kingdom of Great Britain, it will repel every act of aggreffion on its liberty, its independence, its rights, and its legitimate poffeffions; and that it will put in execution all poffible means to receive fatisfaction and indemnity for the incalculable loffes it has fuftained through a perfidious ally:-in the firm hope that Divine Providence, who has so miraculoufly preferved this country from a total ruin, will bless its arms, and will not allow violence and oppreffion ever to fix their fatal abode on its free territory.

Done at the Hague, May 2, 1796, fecond year of Batavian freedom.

Manifesto of Spain against Great

Britain.

Madrid, October 11.

HIS Majesty has tranfmitted to all his councils a decree of the following tenor :

One of the principal motives that determined me to make peace with the French Republic, as foon as its government had begun to affume a regular and stable form, was the manner in which England behaved to me during the whole of the war, and the just mistruft which I ought to feel for the future from the experience of her bad faith, which began to be manifested at the most critical moment of the first campaign; in the manner with which Admiral Hood treated my squadron at Toulon, where he was employed folely in

ruining all that he could not carry away himself; and afterwards in the expedition which he undertook against the Island of Corfica-an expedition which he undertook without the knowledge, and which he concealed with the greatest care from Don Juan de Langara, while they were together at Toulon.

This fame bad faith the English minifter has fuffered clearly to appear by his filence upon the fubject of all his negotiations with other powers, particularly in the treaty concluded on the 19th November, 1794, with the United States of America, without any regard to my rights, which were well known to him. I remarked it again in his repugnance to the adoption of my plans and ideas which might accelerate the termination of the war, and in the vague reply which Lord Grenville gave to my ambaffador, the Marquis del Campo, when he demanded fuccours of him to continue it. He completely confirmed me in the certainty of his bad faith, by the injustice with which he appropriated the rich cargo of the Spanith ship le St. Jago, or l'Achille, at first taken by the French, and afterwards retaken by the English squadron, and which ought to have been restored to me according to the convention made between my Secretary of State and Lord St. Helens, ambassador from his Britannic Majesty; afterwards by the detention of all the ammunition which arrived in the Dutch ships for the fupply of my squadrons, by affecting always different difficulties to put off the restitution of them. Finally, I could no longer entertain a doubt of the bad faith of England, when I learnt the frequent landing from her ships upon the coafts of Chili, in order to carry on a contraband trade, and to reconnoitre the thore under the pretence of fithing for whales, a privilege which the pretended to have granted her by the convention of Nootka. Such were the proceedings of the British minister to cement the ties of friendship and reciprocal confidence, which he had engaged to maintain according to our convention of the 25th May, 1793.

Since I have made peace with the French Republic, not only have I had stronger motives for supposing an intention on the part of England to attack my possessions in America, but I have also received direct insults which persuade me that the English minister wishes to oblige me to adopt a part contrary to the interests of humanity, torn by the bloody war which ravages Europe, for the termination of which I have not ceased to offer my good offices, and to testify my conftant folici

tude.

In fact, England has developed her intentions, has clearly evinced her project of getting poffeffion of my territories, by sending to the Antilles a confiderable force, and particularly destined against St. Domingo, as the proclamations of her general in that ifland clearly demonftrate. She has alfo made known her intentions by the esta, blishments which her commercial companies have formed upon the banks of the Missouri, in South America, with a defign of penetrating through those countries to the South Sea. Finally, by the

conquest which she has made of the colony of Demerary, belonging to the Dutch, and whose advantageous pofition puts her in a condition to get poffeffion of pofts still more important.

But there can no longer remain any doubt of the hoftile nature of these projects, when I confider the frequent insults to my flag, the acts of violence committed in the Mediterranean by her frigates, which have carried away soldiers coming from Genoa to Barcelona, on board Spanish ships, to complete my armies; the piracies and vexations which the Corfican and Anglo-Corsican corfairs, protected by the English government of that island, exercise against the Spanish trade in the Mediterranean, and even upon the coafts of Catalonia, and the detention of different Spanish ships, laden with Spanish property, and carried to England, under the most frivolous pretences, and especially the rich cargo of the Spanish ship the Minerva, on which an embargo was laid in the most insulting manner to my flag, and the removal of which could not be obtained, though it was demonstrated before the competent tribunals that this rich cargo was Spanish property.

The attack committed upon my ambaffador, Don Simon de las Cafas, by a tribunal of London, which decreed his arrest, founded upon the demand of a very small fum, which was claimed by the undertaker of an embarkation. Finally, the Spanish territory has been violated in an intolerable manner upon the coafts of Galicia and Alicant by the English ships the Cameleon and the Kanguroo. Moreover, Captain George Vaughan, commodore commodore of the Alarm, behaved in a manner equally insolent and scandalous in the island of Trindad, where he landed with drums beating and flags flying, to attack the French, and to avenge the injuries which he pretended to have received, disturbing, by the viola tion of the rights of my fovereignty, the tranquillity of the inhabitants of the ifland.

By all these infults, equally deep and unparalleled, that nation has proved to the universe, that the recognizes no other laws than the aggrandifement of her commerce; and by her despotism, which has exhaufted my patience and moderation she has forced me, as well to support the honour of my crown, as to protect my people against her attacks, to declare war against the King of England, his kingdom and vassals, and to give orders to take the neceffary measures for the defence of my domains and my fubjects, and to repulse the enemy.

Signed by the King, and the Secretary of the Council of War. Done at the Palace of St. Lau

renzo, Oct. 5, 1796.

On Saturday, the 8th of October, war was proclaimed at Madrid in the usual form.

Letter of General Beaulieu, fent to the Genoese Government on entering the Genoese Territory.

Head Quarters, March 30, 1796. Moft Serene Republic,

THE circumstances of the war, and, above all, the infolence of an enemy whose unjust pretenfions know no bounds, compel me, at length, to enter your territory, with a part of that force which has been entrusted to my command by his Imperial Majefty.

I am perfuaded, that after what has passed at Genoa, your Republic will confider the Imperial troops as friends. Far be it that they should do you the least injury; their object is only to prevent the enemies of good order from invading your states, the defence of which is committed to me.

The republic may be affured that I shall confider its territories as a friendly country, and that the strictest discipline shall be maintained. All provisions, wood, and straw, shall be paid for in ready money. I require only quarters and a free paflage for my troops; and I trust the most Serene Republic will issue proper orders that the troops of his Imperial Majesty may meet with no obstacle, and that every occasion of dispute may be avoided.

(Signed) BARON BEAULIEU, General of Artillery.

Address of the French Minister Faypoult, at Genoa.

Most Serene Doge,

THE executive directory of the French Republic have made choice of me to reside at the Republic of Genoa in quality of minifter plenipotentiary.

On their part I assure the most ferene government of Genoa, of the lively interest the Republic of France takes in the profperity and safety of the Genoese nation.

This sentiment is merely the consequence of the natural and reciprocal esteem of two people fig. nalized by their courage and energy in the defence, and for the recovery of their liberty. Other powerful confiderations ought to contribute to cement for ever the good harmony that subsists between Q3 Genoa