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But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep yourselves, by fuitable establish ments, on a refpectable defenfive posture, we may fafely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither feeking nor granting exclufive favours or preferences, confulting the natural course of things: diffufing and diverfifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so difposed, in order to give trade a staple course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for difinterested favours from another: that it muft pay with a proportion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by fuch acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illufion which experience must cure; which a jutt pride ought to difcard.

In offering to you, my country

men, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and latting impreffion I could with; that they will controul the usual current of the paffions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of fome partial benefit, some occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party fpirit, to warn against the mischiets of foroign intrigue, to guard againft the impoftors of pretended patriotism; this hopewill be a full recompence for the folicitnde of your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself the affurance of my own confcience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the flill fubfifting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congrefs, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and intereft to take a neutral pofition.

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pofition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as thould depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perfeverance and firm

nefs.

The confiderations which respect the right to ho'd this conduct it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which juftice and humanity impose on every nation in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will beft be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endea. vour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength and confiftency, which is neceffary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own for

tunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of administration I am unconfcious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too fenfible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have comunitted many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently befeech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never ceafe to view them with indulgence; and that after forty

five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be configned to oblivion, as myself must foon be to the manfions of reft.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himself and his progenitors for feveral generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midit of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free govern ment, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I truft of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON. United States, Sept. 17, 1796.

Note from the French Envoy, Citizen Adet, to the Executive Government of America.

THE undersigned minister ple nipotentiary of the French republic, in conformity to the order of his government, has the honour of tranfmitting to the secretary of state of the United States, a refolution taken by the executive government of the French republic, on the 14th Meffidor, 4th year, relative to the conduct which the ships of war of the republic are to hold towards neutral veffels. The flag of the republic will treat the flag of neutrals in the fame manner as they shall fuffer it to be treated by the Englith.

The fentiments which the American government have manifested to the undersigned minifter plenipotentiary,

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Potentiary, do not permit him to doubt, that they will fee in its true light this meafure, as far as it may concern the United States; and that they will also feel, that it is dictated by imperious circumftances, and approved by justice.

Great Britain during the war the has carried on against the republic, has not ceased using every means in her power to add to that scourge icourges ftill more terrible. She has used the well-known liberality of the French nation to the detriment of that nation. Knowing how faithful France has always been in the obfervance of her treaties; knowing that it was a principle of the republic to respect the flags of all nations, the British government, from the beginning of the war, has caused neutral vessels, and in particular American veflels, to be detained, taken them into their ports, and dragged from them Frenchmen and French property. France bound by a treaty with the United States, could find only a real disadvantage in the articles of that treaty, which caused to be refpected as American property Englith property found on board American vessels. They had a right, under this confideration, to expect that America would take steps in favour of her violated neutrality. One of the predeceffors of the undersigned, in July 1793, ap. plied on this subject to the government of the United States; but he was not successful. Nevertheless the national convention, whe, by their decree of the 9th of May, 1793, had ordered the seizure of enemy's property on board neutral veffels, declaring, at the fame time, that the measure should cease when the English should respect neutral flags, had excepted, on the VOL, XXXVIII.

23d of the fame month, the Americans from the operation of this general order. But the convention was obliged foon to repeal the law which contained this exception so favourable to Americans; the manner in which the English conducted themseles, the manifest intention they had to ftop the exportation of provifion from, America to France, rendered it unavoidable.

The national convention by this had restored the equilibrium of neutrality which England had destroyed; had discharged their duty in a manner justified by a thousand past examples, as well as by the neceffity of the then exifting moment. They might, therefore, to recall the orders they had given to seize the enemy's property on board American vessels, have waited till the British government had first definitively revoked the fame order, a fufpenfion only of which was produced by the embargo laid by Congress the 26th of March, 1794. But as foon as they were informed that, under orders of the government of the United States, Mr. Jay was directed to remonftrate against the vexatious measures of the English, they gave orders, by the law of the 13th Nivose, 3d year, to the thips of war of the republic to respect American veffels; and the committee of public fafety, in their explanatory refolve of the 14th of the fame month, hastened to fanction the fame principles. The national convention and the committee of public safety had every reason to believe, that this open and liberal conduct would determine the United States to use every effort to put a stop to the vexations impofed upon their commerce, to the injury of the French republic;

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This conduct was the subject of a note which the undersigned addressed on the 7th Vendemaire, 4th year (29th September 1795, O. S.) to the fecretary of state. The remonftrances which it contained were founded on the duties of neutrality, upon the principles which Mr. Jefferson had laid down in his letter to Mr. Pinckney, dated the 13th September, 1794.

Yet this note has remained with out an answer, though recalled to the remembrance of the secretary of fiate by a dispatch of the 9th Germinal, 4th year (29th March 1796, O. S.); and American veffels bound to French ports, or returning from them, have still been seized by the English. Indeed more; they have added a new vexation to those they had already impofed upon the Americans; they have impressed seamen from on board American veffels, and have thus found the means of firengthening their crews at the expence of the Americans, without the government of the United States having made known to the underfigned the steps they had taken to obtain fatisfaction for this violation of neutrality, fo hurtful to the interests of France, as the underfigned hath set forth in his dif

patches to the secretary of state of the 9th Germinal, 4th year (29th March 1796, O. S.), 19th Germinal (8th April 1796), and ift Floreal (20th April, 1796), which have remained without an answer.

The French government then finds itself, with respect to America at the present time, in circumstances fimilar to those of the year 1795; and if it fees itfelf, obliged to abandon, with respect to them, and the neutral powers in general, the favourable line of conduct they pursued, and to adopt different measures, the blame should fall upon the British government: it is their conduct which the French government has been obliged to follow.

The undersigned minifter plenipotentiary conceives it his duty to remark to the fecretary of state, that the neutral governments, or the allies of the republic, have nothing to fear as to the treatment of their flag by the French, fince if keeping within the bounds of their neutrality, they cause the rights of that neutrality to be respected by the English, the republic will respect them. But if through weakness, partiality, or other motives, they thould fuffer the English to sport with that neutrality, and turn it to their advantage, could they then complain, when France, to restore the balance of neutrality to its equilibrium, shall act in the fame manner as the English ? No, certainly; for the neutrality of a nation confifts in granting to belligerent powers the fame advantages; and that neutrality no longer exists, when, in the course of the war, that neutral nations grants to one of the belligerent powers

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powers advantages not stipulated by treaties anterior to the war, or fuffers that power to feize upon them. The neutral government cannot then complain if the other belligerent power will enjoy advantages which its enemy enjoys, or if it seizes upon them; otherwife that neutral government would deviate, with respect to it, from the line of neutrality, and would become its enemy.

The underfigned minister plenipotentiary thinks it ufeless further to develope these principles. He does not doubt that the fecretary of state feels all their force and that the government of the United States will maintain from all violation a neutrality which France has always respected, and will always respect, when her enemies do not make it turn to her detriment.

The undersigned minifter plenipotentiary embraces this opportunity of reiterating to the fecretary of state the affurance of his esteem, and informs him, at the same time, that he will cause this note to be printed, in order to make publicly known the motives which, at the present juncture, influence the French republic.

Done at Philadelphia, 6th Brumaire, 5th year of the French Republic, one and indivisible. (27th Oct. 1796, O. S.)

(Signed) P. A. ADET.

Reply of the Executive Government of America to Citizen Adet's Note, inclosing the Decree of the Directory refpetting Neutral Veffels.

SIR,

I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note, of the 27th ult. covering a decree of the executive directory of the

French republic, concerning the commerce of neutral nations.

This decree makes no diftinction between neutral powers, who can claim only the rights fecured to them by the law of nations, and others between whom and the French republic treaties have imposed special obligations. Where no treaties exist, the republic, by feizing and confifcating the property of their enemies found on board neutral vessels, would only exercise an acknowledged right under the law of nations. If, towards fuch neutral nations, the French republic has forborne to execute this right, the forbearance has been perfectly gratuitous. The United States by virtue of their treaty of commerce with France, stand on different ground.

In the year 1778, France voluntarily entered into a commercial treaty with us, on principles of perfect reciprocity, and expressly fti'pulating that free ships should make free goods. That is, if France should be at war with any nation with whom the United States should be at peace, the goods (except contraband) and the perfons of her enemies (foldiers in actual service excepted) found on board the vessels of the United States, were to be free from capture. That on the other hand, if the United States should engage in war with any nation, while France remained at peace, then the goods (except contraband) and the perfons of our enemies (foldiers in actual service excepted) found on board French veffels, were alfo to be free from capture. This is plainly expressed in the 23d article of that treaty, and demonftrates that the reciprocity thereby ftipuX 2 lated

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