efficiency from workers. Standard of human welfare and consideration of the human side of production are part of the technique of efficient production.

Give workers a decent place to live, protect them against conditions which take all their wages for bare existence, give them agencies whereby grievances can be adjusted and industrial justice assured, make it plain that their labor counts in the winning a war for greater freedom, not for private profiteering, and workers can be confidently expected to do their part. Workers are loyal. They want to do their share for the Republic and for winning the war.

This is Labor's war. It must be won by Labor, and every stage in the fighting and the final victory must be made to count for humanity. That result only can justify the awful sacrifice.

HOW DEMOCRACY SURPASSES MONARCHY1

ANDREW SLOAN DRAPER (1848-1913)

All Americans are optimists. There may be a few stopping with us who are not, but they are not Americans. The expectations of the nation are boundless. We will fix no upper limits. Those expectations are not gross; they are genuine and sincere, moral and high-minded. They are the issue of a mighty world movement; the splendid product of the best thinking and the hardest struggling for a thousand years.

1 Dr. Draper was Commissioner of Education for the state of New York for many years preceding his death.

From "The Nation's Educational Purpose," an official pamphlet issued by the National Education Association, 1905.

Our critics say that we are boastful. We will not put them to the trouble of proving it; we admit it. It is a matter of definition, or of terminology. We have self-confidence born of knowledge and of accomplishment. We know something of the doctrine of constants. There is logic which is as sure as the sun. The nation believes in

the stars which are in the heavens, and it also believes in the stars which are upon the flag. It knows its history, it understands its constituent elements; it has definite purposes; it expects to go forward; it believes in itself.

. . . None will deny now that the real growth of the nation must be in soberness, in coherence, in balance, in moderation, in reserve power, in administrative effectiveness. Growth in numbers is inevitable. Growth in moral sense and in respect for law must surpass the growth in numbers in order to cope with it.

We have no fear of consequences. We rest our future upon the faith that the happiness and the beneficent influence of America must rest upon the average of enlightenment, upon the measure of serious and potential work, and upon the attendant level of moral character, attainable by all the men and women who live under our flag.

The corner-stone principle of our political theory coincides absolutely with the fundamental doctrine of our moral law. All men and women are to be intellectually quickened and made industrially potential to the very limits of sane and balanced character. The moral sense of the people is determined by it, and the nation's greatness is measured by it. Before this fact the prerogative of a monarch or the comfort of a class is of no account. Before it every other consideration must give way. It is right here that democracies that can hold together surpass

monarchies. It is for this reason that the progressive will of an intelligent people is better than the hereditary and arbitrary power of kings.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE WEST UPON

DEMOCRACY 1

FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER (1861– )

From the beginning of the settlement of America, the frontier regions have exercised a steady influence toward democracy. In Virginia, to take an example, it can be traced as early as the period of Bacon's Rebellion, a hundred years before our Declaration of Independence. The small land-holders, seeing that their powers were steadily passing into the hands of the wealthy planters who controlled Church and State and lands, rose in revolt. A generation later, in the governorship of Alexander Spotswood, we find a contest between the frontier settlers and the property-holding classes of the coast. The democracy with which Spotswood had to struggle, and of which he so bitterly complained, was a democracy made up of small landholders, of the newer immigrants, and of indented servants, who at the expiration of their time of servitude passed into the interior to take up lands and engage in pioneer farming. The "War of the Regulation" just on the eve of the American Revolution shows the steady persistence of this struggle between the classes of the interior and those of the coast. The Declara

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1 From an article in the Atlantic Monthly for January, 1903, entitled Contributions of the West to American Democracy.' (See Western Idealism," Section I, page 22.) Used by permission of the author and of the Atlantic Monthly Company.

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tion of Grievances which the back counties of the Carolinas then drew up against the aristocracy that dominated the politics of these colonies exhibits the contest between the democracy of the frontier and the established classes who apportioned the legislature in such fashion as to secure effective control of government. Indeed, in a period before the outbreak of the American Revolution, one can trace a distinct belt of democratic territory extending from the back country of New England down through western New York, Pennsylvania, and the South. In each colony this region was in conflict with the dominant classes of the coast. It constituted a quasi-revolutionary area before the days of the Revolution, and it formed the basis on which the Democratic Party was afterwards established. It was, therefore, in the West, as it was in the period before the Declaration of Independence, that the struggle for democratic development first revealed itself, and in that area the essential ideas of American democracy had already appeared. Through the period of the Revolution and of the Confederation a similar contest can be noted. On the frontier of New England, along the western border of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Carolinas, and in the communities beyond the Alleghany Mountains, there arose a demand of the frontier settlers for independent statehood based on democratic provisions. There is a strain of fierceness in their energetic petitions demanding self-government under the theory that every people have the right to establish their own political institutions in an area which they have won from the wilderness. These revolutionary principles based on natural rights, for which the seaboard colonies were contending, were taken up with frontier energy in an attempt to apply them to the lands

of the West. No one can read their petitions denouncing the control exercised by the wealthy landholders of the coast, appealing to the record of their conquest of the wilderness, and demanding the possession of the lands for which they had fought the Indians and which they had reduced by their ax to civilization, without recognizing in these frontier communities the cradle of a belligerent Western democracy. "A fool can sometimes put on his coat better than a wise man can do it for him," such is the philosophy of its petitions.

The last chapter in the development of Western democracy is the one that deals with its conquest over the vast spaces of the new West. At each new stage of Western development the people have had to grapple with larger areas, with vaster combinations. The little colony of Massachusetts veterans that settled at Marietta received a land grant as large as the State of Rhode Island. The band of Connecticut pioneers that followed Moses Cleaveland to the Connecticut Reserve occupied a region as large as the parent State. The area which settlers of New England stock occupied on the prairies of northern Illinois surpassed the combined area of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. Men who had become accustomed to the narrow valleys and the little towns of the East found themselves out on the boundless spaces of the West dealing with units of such magnitude as dwarfed their former experience. The Great Lakes, the prairies, the Great Plains, the Rocky Mountains, the Mississippi and the Missouri, furnished new standards of measurement for the achievement of this industrial democracy. Individualism began to give way to coöperation and to governmental activity. Even in the earlier days of the democratic conquest of the wilder