Paradigm Lost?: Transitions and the Search for a New World OrderStrategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 1993 - 117 من الصفحات After every momentous event, there is usually a transition period, in which participants in the events, whether individuals or nation-states, attempt to chart their way into an unfamiliar future. In the United States in this century, there are three such transitions, each focused on America's role in the international arena. After World War I, the American people specifically rejected the global role for the United States implicit in Woodrow Wilson's strategic vision of collective security. In contrast to this "return to normalcy," after World War II the United States moved inexorably toward international leadership in response to the Soviet threat. The result was an acceptance of George Kennan's strategic vision of containing the Soviet Union on the Eurasian landmass and the subsequent bipolar confrontation of the two superpowers in a twilight war that lasted for over 40 years. Sometime in the penultimate decade of the 20th century, the United States and its allies won the cold war. Once again in the current transition period, the primary questions revolve around the management of power and America's role in global politics. Once again there are the issues of change and continuity. In terms of change, the cold war set in train a blend of integrative and disintegrative forces and trends that are adding to the complex tensions of the current transition. The integrative force that increasingly linked global economies in the cold war, for instance, also holds out the spectral potential of global depression or, at the very least, nations more susceptible to disintegrative actions, as the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait demonstrated. In a similar manner, the advances in communications and transportation that have spread the results of medical and scientific discoveries around the world are countered by the malign transnational results of nuclear technology, the drug trade, terrorism, AIDS and global warming. |
طبعات أخرى - عرض جميع المقتطفات
عبارات ومصطلحات مألوفة
aggression alliances American public anarchy bipolar Britain Cambridge Castlereagh change and continuity Changes and Theoretical cold cold war collective security Concert of Europe conflict Congress consequence cooperation created current transition period David Jablonsky decades defense demonstrated domestic dominant economic emerged European forces Foreign Affairs Foreign Policy framework Gulf War hegemonic Henry Kissinger Hoffmann Holsti Ibid ideological increasingly interdependence International Politics international relations international system John Lewis Gaddis Joseph Nye Kennan Kenneth Waltz Kuhn leadership long peace Long Postwar Peace major management of power managing power military Mueller nation-states national security nuclear weapons perception perspective pointed post-cold President problems realist paradigm regime result Retreat from Doomsday Revolution role Rosenau shift Soviet Union stability state-centric strategic vision structure superpowers Theory of International Thirty Years War tradition Tucker and Hendrickson U.S. Army U.S. Government United Nations Vietnam Waltz war-in-peace world order World Politics World War II York Zbigniew Brzezinski
مقاطع مشهورة
الصفحة 34 - In Italy for thirty years under the Borgias they had warfare, terror, murder, bloodshed — but they produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci and the Renaissance. In Switzerland they had brotherly love, five hundred years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce . . .? The cuckoo clock.
الصفحة 111 - Regimes can be defined as sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors expectations converge in a given area of international relations.
الصفحة 80 - In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. There the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe, And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapt in universal law.
الصفحة 17 - Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected, that no nation, no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it.
الصفحة 16 - This kind of battle was invented by Lewis Carroll and Jules Verne and whoever wrote Undine, and country deacons bowling and marraines in Marseilles and girls seduced in the back lanes of Wurtemburg and Westphalia. Why, this was a love battle — there was a century of middle-class love spent here. This was the last love battle.
الصفحة 18 - I by no means expect to convince experienced naturalists whose minds are stocked with a multitude of facts all viewed, during a long course of years, from a point of view directly opposite to mine. It is so easy to hide our ignorance under such expressions as the "plan of creation," "unity of design," &c., and to think that we give an explanation when we only re-state a fact.
الصفحة 25 - But the United States has it in its power to increase enormously the strains under which Soviet policy must operate, to force upon the Kremlin a far greater degree of moderation and circumspection...
الصفحة 15 - Why, they've only just quit over in Turkey," said Abe. "And in Morocco " 'That's different. This western-front business couldn't be done again, not for a long time. The young men think they could do it but they couldn't. They could fight the first Marne again but not this. This took religion and years of plenty and tremendous sureties and the exact relation that existed between the classes.
الصفحة 90 - We are not now that strength which in old days Moved earth and heaven ; that which we are, we are ; One equal temper of heroic hearts, Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.
الصفحة 11 - Parties have agreed to renew Their meetings at fixed periods, either under the immediate auspices of the Sovereigns Themselves, or by Their respective Ministers, for the purpose of consulting upon Their common interests, and for the consideration of the measures which at each of those periods shall be considered the most salutary for the repose and prosperity of Nations, and for the maintenance of the Peace of Europe.