ence table, while on the left of the House sat members of the Diplomatic Corps.

The two sides of the room were filled with newspaper men and the rear with assistants to the delegates, experts and secretaries. In the front row of correspondents sat William J. Bryan, former Secretary of State.

The American delegation occupied the head of the delegates' table. On the right sat the ranking foreign delegate, Premier Briand, with other members of his mission. On the left of the Americans sat the British delegation. Next to the British were the Italians and then the Belgians. Across the foot of the table were the Portuguese, Dutch and Chinese missions. The rectangle was completed by the Japanese mission headed by Prince Tokugawa.

There was a burst of applause as President Harding entered from a side door at the back of the hall. He stood for a moment, bowing acknowledgment of his cordial reception. As he took his seat a breath of wind through a high-set window blew against a suspended bracket holding the flags of the nine nations represented about the table, and the ban-ners revolved in a beautiful cartwheel for a moment of imposing silence.

DR. ABERNATHY'S PRAYER

Prayer was then offered by Dr. W. S. Abernathy, pastor of the Calvary Baptist Church, who opened the proceedings with this petition:

Almighty God, we thank Thee for the coming of this eventful day. We have seen it from afar and now we rejoice that it has at last dawned. May it bring untold blessing to a troubled world. O Thou Omnipotent One, today, as in other days, we believe that Thou dost guide in human affairs. Thou hast made of one blood all nations that dwell upon the earth, and though we are of many races and many tongues, yet the interests of the few are the interests of the larger number. May we feel assured that the welfare and happiness and prosperity of the human family are inexpressibly dear to Thy heart.

We pray for clear vision, or we shall grope blindly for the light and lose our way. We pray for hearts lovingly sympa

thetic to human distress wherever it may exist, or we shall sink into the depths of a miserable selfishness. We pray for minds willing to believe that the strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, or we shall miss the great joy of service. We pray for the forward look or we shall be overwhelmed in hopeless pessimism. Give us the ability to think clearly, to judge fairly, to act wisely. Help us to think less often of our rights and more often of our duties and responsibilities.

We pray at this hour on behalf of a world in sore need. Thou art not unmindful of the sufferings of Thy people. The cries of multitudes of widows and orphans have come up before Thee, O God. We have had our terrible baptism of blood. There is hunger and pestilence and unutterable anguish. God forbid that the woes of these years should ever again be visited upon the earth. Can it be that Thou hast permitted us thus to suffer in order that we might turn from our own devices to Thee and acknowledge Thee as King of our lives and our destinies? Out of the depths we cry unto Thee, Save us or we perish.

May we walk softly and humbly before Thee this day and throughout the fateful days of this great conference. May we be intent on knowing Thy will; and knowing it, may we have the courage to do it. And may it be that the findings of this conference shall be so wise, so far reaching and so beneficial that all mankind may take new hope and fresh courage. And to Thee shall be the praise and the glory forever and forAmen.

ever.

PRESIDENT HARDING'S ADDRESS.

When Dr. Abernathy said "Amen," Secretary Hughes, acting as pro tempore Chairman, since his Government had called the conference, arose and said, simply: "The President of the United States."

President Harding held in his hand a folio of small sheets from which he read his address. Starting in a mild, well-modulated voice, he put more emphasis into the latter part of his speech and used gestures freely. His address was received with all the respect his high station deserved, but its very nature threw into startling relief the speech of Secre"tary Hughes, which followed.

President Harding welcomed the members of the conference at the opening session in the following words:

Mr. Secretary and Members of the Conference, Ladies and Gentlemen: It is a

great and happy privilege to bid the delegates to this conference a cordial welcome to the capital of the United States of America. It is not only a satisfaction to greet you because we were lately participants in a common cause, in which shared sacrifices and sorrows and triumphs brought our nations more closely together, but it is gratifying to address you as the spokesman for nations whose convictions and attending actions have so much to do with the weal or woe of all mankind.

It is not possible to overappraise the importance of such a conference. It is no unseemly boast, no disparagement of other nations which, though not represented, are held in highest respect, to declare that the conclusions of this body will have a signal. influence on all human progress-on the fortunes of the world.

Here is a meeting, I can well believe, which is an earnest of the awakened conscience of twentieth century civilization. It is not a convention of remorse, nor a session of sorrow. It is not the conference of victors to define terms of settlement. Nor is it a council of nations seeking to remake humankind. It is rather a coming together from all parts of the earth, to apply the better attributes of mankind to minimize the faults in our international relationships.

Speaking as official sponsor for the invitation, I think I may say the call is not of the United States of America alone; it is rather the spoken word of a war-wearied world, struggling for restoration, hunger

ing and thirsting for better relationship; of humanity crying for relief and craving assurances of lasting peace.

It is easy to understand this world-wide aspiration. The glory of triumph, the rejoicing in achievement, the love of liberty, the devotion to country, the pangs of sorrow, the burdens of debt, the desolation of ruin all these are appraised alike in all lands. Here in the United States we are but freshly turned from the burial of an unknown American soldier, when a nation sorrowed while paying him tribute.

Whether it was spoken or not, a hundred millions of our people were summarizing the inexcusable cause, the incalculable cost, the unspeakable sacrifices, and the unutterable sorrows, and there was the ever-impelling question: How can humanity justify or God forgive? Human hate demands no such toll; ambition and greed must be denied it. If misunderstanding must take the blame, then let us banish it, and let understanding rule and make good-will regnant everywhere.

All of us demand liberty and justice. There cannot be one without the other, and they must be held the unquestioned possession of all peoples. Inherent rights are of God, and the tragedies of the world originate in their attempted denial. The world today is infringing their enjoyment by arming to defend or deny, when simple sanity calls for their recognition through common understanding.

WORLD'S BURDEN OF DEBT

Out of the cataclysm of the World War came new fellowships, new convictions, new aspirations. It is ours to make the most of them. A world staggering with debt needs its burden lifted. Humanity, which has been shocked by wanton destruction, would minimize the agencies of that destruction. Contemplating the measureless cost of war and the continuing burden of armament, all thoughtful peoples wish for real limitation of armament and would like war outlawed. In soberest reflection the world's hundreds of millions who pay in peace and die in war wish their statesmen to turn the expenditures for destruction into means of construction, aimed at a higher state for those who live and follow after.

It is not alone that the world cannot readjust itself and cast aside the excess burdens without relief from the leaders of men. War has grown progressively cruel and more destructive from the first recorded conflict to this pregnant day, and the reverse order would more become our boasted civilization.

Gentlemen of the conference, the United States welcomes you with unselfish hands. We harbor no fears; we have no sordid ends to serve; we suspect no enemy; we contemplate or apprehend no conquest. Content with what we have, we seek nothing which is another's. We only wish to do with you that finer, nobler thing which no nation can do alone.

We wish to sit with you at the table of international understanding and good-will. In good conscience we are eager to meet you frankly, and invite and offer co-operation. The world demands a sober contemplation of the existing order and the realization that there can be no cure without sacrifice, not by one of us, but by all of us. I do not mean surrendered rights, or nar

rowed freedom, or denied aspirations, or ignored national necessities. Our Republic I would no more ask for these than it would give. No pride need be humbled, no nationality submerged, but I would have a mergence of minds committing all of us to less preparation for war and more enjoyment of fortunate peace.

SPIRIT OF THE CONFERENCE

The higher hopes come of the spirit of our coming together. It is but just to recognize varying needs and peculiar positions. Nothing can be accomplished in disregard of national apprehensions. Rather, we should act together to remove the causes of apprehensions. This is not to be done in intrigue. Greater assurance is found in the exchanges of simple honesty and directness among men resolved to accomplish as becomes leaders among nations, when civilization itself has come to its crucial test.

It is not to be challenged that government fails when the excess of its cost robs the people of the way to happiness and the opportunity to achieve. If the finer sentiments were not urging, the cold, hard facts of excessive cost and the eloquence of economics would urge to reduce our armaments. If the concept of a better order does not appeal, then let us ponder the burden and the blight of continued competition.

men.

It is not to be denied that the world has swung along throughout the ages without heeding this call from the kindlier hearts of But the same world never before was so tragically brought to realization of the utter futility of passion's sway when reason and conscience and fellowship point a nobler way.

I can speak officially only for our United States. Our hundred millions frankly want less of armament and none of war. Wholly free from guile, sure in our own minds that

we harbor no unworthy designs, we accredit the world with the same good intent. So I welcome you, not alone in good-will and high purpose, but with high faith.

We are met for a service to mankind. In all simplicity, in all honesty and all honor, there may be written here the avowals of a world conscience refined by the consuming fires of war, and made more sensitive by the anxious aftermath. I hope for that understanding which will emphasize the guarantees of peace, and for commitments to less burdens and a better order which will tranquilize the world. In such an accomplishment there will be added glory to your flags and ours, and the rejoicing of mankind will make the transcending music of all succeeding time.

PERMANENT CHAIRMAN ELECTED

After the close of the President's address an interesting little passage took place, hinging on the French insistence that their language be with English one of the official languages of the conference. Mr. Hughes obMr. Hughes observed that, inasmuch as printed copies of the President's speech had been circulated, he presumed there would be no need for a translation.

M. Briand replied through an interpreter as follows: "Inasmuch as a translation has been circulated, we shall not now insist on a French translation of the speech."

By this time President Harding had left the hall.

Secretary Hughes then said that the organization of the conference was in order. Mr. Balfour at once placed Secretary Hughes in nomination as the permanent Chairman. The British statesman said that President Harding had given the conference a motto, "Simplicity, honesty, honor." He recalled that it was a rule of diplomacy that the nation which calls a conference of nations should also supply the presiding officer.

"But if I may state so in his presence," Mr. Balfour went on, "I think that the Secretary of State has not only these technical rights to our allegiance, but he has also personal qualifications which specially fit him to carry out this great and responsible duty-capacity, character, courtesy

and experience all the great qualities required in a Chairman presiding over a great assembly are his." Mr. Balfour then asked Mr. Hughes to assume the Chairmanship of the conference and by their applause the conferees gave their consent.

The first part of Secretary Hughes's speech gave little indication of what was to come. He thanked the delegates for having come and said the American Government would have liked to invite all the nations, but thought that the consideration of the wisdom of taking steps most likely to lead to quick results was the better. So the invitation to the armaments discussion had been limited to the five allied and associated powers, while China, Holland, Belgium and Portugal had been invited to discuss Far Eastern questions.

Mr. Hughes then said that in public discussions of the conference two views had often been expressed:

First, that the discussion of Far Eastern problems should take place after the discussion of armament limitation proposals, and, second, that the discussion of armament questions should follow the deliberations on Pacific matters. He asserted that he did not believe the world would approve any delay of the discussion of limitation of armaments, nor was there any reason to delay the negotia

tions on Far Eastern matters. Therefore, he indicated, they would be considered simultaneously so far practicable.

as

The Secretary then reviewed the efforts of the first and second Hague conferences to make progress on plans for the limitation of armaments. He laid emphasis on the fact that at the second conference it was the Imperial German Government which blocked plans that might have led to happy results. Despite the attempts of the American delegation nothing was done about disarmament. "This," Mr. Hughes added, "was the fruition of the efforts of eight years. Although the effect was clearly perceived, the race in preparedness

of armament, wholly unaffected by these futile suggestions, went on until it fittingly culminated in the greatest war of history."

Without referring to the disarmament plans of the League of Nations, whose leaders sat among his hearers, Secretary Hughes said that now an extraordinary opportunity was presented for the reduction of armaments. He went on: "We not only have the lessons of the past to guide us, not only do we have the reaction from the disillusioning experiences of war, but we must meet the challenge of imperative economic demands." Mr. Hughes then declared that the present moment was opportune because the power to disarm the world lay in the hands of a comparatively few nations, and the power which blocked the proposals at the second Hague conference no longer menaced hopes of disarmament.

Mr. Hughes stated that the question which could best be treated at

this time was the limitation of naval

armaments. A moment later he threw his first bombshell. "It would also seem," he said, " to be a vital part of a plan for the limitation of naval armament that there should be a naval holiday. It is proposed that for a period of not less than ten years there should be no further construc

tion of capital ships."

Scarcely were the words out of his mouth than Mr. Bryan from his press seat let out a cheer, which was taken up by the whole assembly outside of the diplomats.

"I am happy to say," continued Mr. Hughes, "that I am at liberty to go beyond these general propositions and on behalf of the American delegation, acting on instructions from the President of the United States, to submit to you a concrete proposition for the agreement for the limitation of naval armament." He then laid down his general propositions, which are given in detail in his address. The full text of this epoch-making speech is as follows: