Cobb never lived. He was full of good social feeling, and was welcome and gratefully received in the circles, where the rational enjoyment of whatsoever is pleasant to the senses derives a value from the interchange of intellectual sympathy. He prolonged his life by a course of remarkable abstinence, after having been the delight of social circles for no small portion of his days. He was a true Washington-man in all his political feelings, and saw, with sincere regret, the decline and probable extinction of the true principles of republicanism, which he had devoted the meridian of his life to secure and preserve.

Timothy Bigelow, for a series of years Speaker of the House, was a lawyer of eminence in the county of Middlesex. Perhaps no man has spoken to so many juries as Mr. Bigelow. He was most faithfully devoted to the cause of the revolution. His earliest impressions were associated with the great contest for liberty. He used to speak with enthusiasm of the national constitution and of the Union, as consequences of success. He was a kind-hearted, friendly man, and had many affectionate friends. He was distinguished as a man of taste; towards the close of his life, he took great delight in horticultural employments, and may claim with others the merit of exciting the demand for this gratification, which has now attained an eminence, associated no less with science than with pleasure. Mr. Bigelow was a tall man, well formed, and of courteous manners. He had the narrative gift in an eminent degree; which among other qualities made society with him exceedingly grateful.

To one who looks back on what the social world was, it seems as though money-making and selfishness had frozen the currents of the heart. That frank, friendly, social, hospitable intercourse, which was once the delight of this land, is gone (it is feared) for ever; and the cold, calculating spirit of accumulation, or the worthless emulation of show and splendor has succeeded.

Among those who have been mentioned, as participating in the government of 1809, there are some yet alive. It would be grateful to speak of them as they should be spoken of, as well as of some, who are not here to see the withering of the hopes which they delighted to cherish. In the first case, there is the risk of offending men who are not solicitous

of the world's notice; and in the second, the field is unlimited, and there must be a stopping-place somewhere.

It might have been supposed, that intelligent and farsighted merchants would have been better judges of their own interests, than southern planters, or than lawyers, or cultivators from the new regions of the west. Good or bad judges, they condemned, almost with unanimity, the policy of Jefferson and Madison. Those, who had the most to lose, or to gain in commercial enterprises, were the most decided in their condemnation. Few of the eminent merchants of those days are here to lament similar grievances and follies of the present day. Among those who are no longer among us, and who might be distinguished as intelligent and accomplished men of business, were James Perkins and Thomas C. Amory. The former and his partner, Thomas H. Perkins, were the first Canton merchants in the world. Thomas C. Amory was extensively engaged in very varied commerce on the ocean. To these might be added hundreds of others, who were large ship-owners. None of these could discern any thing in the commercial measures of the administration, but defeat of their plans and ruin to their prospects.

There can be little doubt, that the care and solicitude concerning ships, merchandise, and seamen manifested by Jefferson and Madison were mere pretences. Neither of these gentlemen differed in opinion from Napoleon on such subjects; and he fully accorded with the Romans, (as shown by Cicero,) in placing merchants among the lower orders of society. These friends of liberty seem not to have known, that commerce and liberty are twin sisters; that merchants have been the true patrons of the arts, of science, of literature; the munificent supporters of public and charitable institutions; the ornament of social life. Even in our own little community, how many instances are fresh in memory of noble liberality among merchants. In the same street, are seen two spacious buildings, formerly the dwelling-places of two brothers, one of them the gift of one of these brothers to the Athenæum,* the other the gift of the other brother, as an asylum for the blind; † gifts, not postponed to the time when the owner and his property must part for ever,

* James Perkins.

+ Thomas Handasyd Perkins.

but while the donors were in full life. To commerce also are we indebted for one of the most valued charities in the nation. A merchant bequeathed an hundred thousand dollars to the Lunatic Hospital.* These are the fruits of that commercial dealing which Jefferson and Madison heartily despised. There will be found, in a subsequent page, some notice of Jefferson's opinions on merchants; and no difference is known between his opinions and those of Madison.† The embargo having been removed, and the busy citizens of Massachusetts having engaged in their accustomed vocations; and thinking more of these, than of political dangers and duties, an opportunity again occurred for the friends of the people to take a majority into their custody. Elbridge Gerry was by them nominated against Governor Gore, and was the successful candidate. He was the Chief Magistrate from May, 1810, to May, 1812. As there is nothing to be said of his administration, which one could take pleasure in saying; so the pain of speaking of it as it may have deserved may be avoided. When the time comes for writing the sober History of Massachusetts, the historian will find abundant materials for his work in these two years; and the exercise of party power in districting the commonwealth for the choice of senators is particularly commended to his notice. He will find the English language enriched by a new term, (Gerrymandering,) which may often find a suitable application, when the origin of it may have been forgot

ten.

He may find it in the patriotic labors of the two years in which Mr. Gerry was Governor of Massachusetts.

*John McLean.

It cannot be unacceptable to any one who knew Thomas C. Amory, to offer a passing tribute to his memory. He died in November, 1812, at the age of 44. He was a tall man, of amiable and intelligent countenance, of frank and courteous manners, of clear, sound judgment, and executive capacity. Such qualities may not distinguish him from some others; but he had qualities, which, if they did not so distinguish him, placed him high among those, who are so fortunate as to have the like ones. He had as kind and friendly a heart, as ever beat in human bosom. He was considerate of others; the friend and the visiter of the sorrowful and unfortunate; and of noble generosity. He was eminently hospitable, and one of the most acceptable companions that ever adorned a social circle. His death, in the zenith of manhood, was a mournful bereavement. At this long distance from that event, survivors remember him with a freshness of feeling and interest, which makes it seem as the loss of yesterday.

The dark and mysterious administration of Mr. Madison, the able and enlightened discussions of the press, the exercise of power in Governor Gerry's time, the apprehension of war with Great Britain and of alliance with France again called the attention of our community, from their private affairs to the duties of citizens. It was a relief and gratification, hardly to be described, to one portion of the people of this state, that they were to have, at the head of the Commonwealth, the calm, steady, constitutional republican, Caleb Strong, in the trying times that were expected, and not Elbridge Gerry. If this change had not occurred, the condition of Massachusetts and of its militia cannot be contemplated without dismay. There must have been a civil war, or the militia would have gone to lay their bones in Canada, in the fruitless, hopeless attempt to conquer that country; while the seaboard would have remained subject to all the miseries, which a vindictive foe could inflict.

LETTER LIV.

NOVEMBER 16, 1833.

MR. JEFFERSON's political life and his embargo system terminated about the same time, the former on the fourth, the latter on the fifteenth of March, 1809. The American people resumed their industry as well as they could, under the remaining embarrassments of non-intercouse with England, which was a serious one, and with France, which was believed to be a mere show of impartiality and of little real importance. Mr. Jefferson retired to Monticello. In what manner Mr. Jefferson disposed of himself, during the seventeen years through which his life was prolonged, he has permitted the world to know from his volumes. With the help of these it may be proper to inquire into his real motives for proposing and insisting on the continuance of the embargo, because in the sweeping demand of his idolizers for gratitude and admiration, this measure makes a prominent figure in the acts on which that demand must be founded.

The declared motive for this measure, (unprecedented any where in the world, unless in China,) as expressed in

the message proposing it, was to protect our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise from the belligerents." No one can know the real motive of Mr. Jefferson so well as himself; and he says, that the motive assigned in his message was not the real one.

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On the 25th of December, 1825, he wrote a letter to his faithful friend, William B. Giles, (vol. iv. p. 519,) in which he gives an account of an interview with Mr. John Quincy Adams. He therein sets forth, that Mr. Adams "spoke of "the dissatisfaction of the Eastern portion of our confederacy with the restraints of the embargo then existing, "and their restlessness under it. That there was nothing "which might not be attempted to rid themselves of it: "that he had information, of the most unquestionable certainty, that certain citizens of the Eastern states, (I think "he named Massachusetts particularly,) were in negotiation "with agents of the British government, the object of which was an agreement, that New England should take no "farther part in the war then going on," &c. [Mr. Jefferson then goes on about the war, which had not yet happened; and, perhaps, alludes to some other patriotic communication of Mr. Adams about his fellow-citizens of Massachusetts.] "I expressed," (says Mr. Jefferson,) "just sense of the merit of this information, and of the importance of this disclosure to the safety and even the "salvation of our country: and, however reluctant I was to "abandon the measure, (a measure, which, persevered in a little longer, we had subsequent and satisfactory assurance, would have effected its object completely,) from that moment, and influenced by that information, I saw the necessity of abandoning it; and instead of effecting our purpose by this peaceful weapon, we must fight it out, or "break the Union."

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What was the object to be completely effected? Certainly not the preservation of vessels, seamen, and merchandise, for that was effected when the embargo was first imposed. Was it to compel England to renounce her blockades, and to cease to violate our neutral rights? These objects were obtained by the treaty of 1806, which Mr. Jefferson rejected. Was it to prevent impressment? How would the continuance of the embargo "a little longer" have effected that object? This matter had been arranged with Pinckney and