in the United States, not only saw this event in this light, but saw in it, also, new encouragement that federal power might be demolished.

On the first application of the excise law, there were serious discontents and popular movements in the western part of Pennsylvania; so much so, that the President issued a proclamation commanding obedience, and intimating that legal prosecutions would be enforced against all infractions of the laws. This system of taxation was revised by Congress in May, 1792, but the discontents continued.

The year 1793 was one of many important events. Parties had taken decided character in and out of Congress. The veneration for Washington shielded him from open attacks; but his secretary, Hamilton, was not spared. On the 27th of February, Mr. Giles, of Virginia, moved in the House of Representatives a series of resolutions, comprising several charges of official misconduct. These resolutions were debated with great acrimony until the close of the session on the 3d of March. But not more than sixteen members voted to sustain any one of the resolutions. This was a period of excessive bitterness, as appears from the debates and newspapers of the day.

Hamilton was accused, in a paper called the "National Gazette," well known to be edited by a clerk in the office of Mr. Jefferson, with designs to introduce a monarchy, and to establish a government similar to that of Great Britain. All the measures recommended by him, from the commencement of his duties, were brought in proof of these accusations; particular expressions in his reports were selected as conclusive evidence. On the other hand, Mr. Jefferson was charged in the newspapers with the design of subverting the government, by rendering its officers odious; with being the partisan of France; and with availing himself of his official station to misrepresent the purposes of the executive. The motives of both these gentlemen may be left to the decision of times more distant from those in which they were acting, than the present; and to what may be then an impartial judgment. They are referred to now, to show how the views of Mr. Jefferson were afterwards carried into his own administration. To this, some men of the present day believe, that subsequent public difficulties, and the present state of the country, may be attributed.

He was of middle

Mr. Giles had a long political life. stature, rather full person, light complexion and hair, and full face, without color. He was a very able debater, and thoroughly versed in the tactics of deliberative assemblies. He met with some accident which deprived him of the use of one of his lower limbs. When he was a senator, at the close of Mr. Madison's administration, he moved on two crutches. He showed himself to be a cool and determined opponent of the Washington administration, and especially of the Secretary of the Treasury. In this year, when the customary motion was made on the 22d February, that the House of Representatives should adjourn, for the well-known purpose of visiting Washington, he was one of the eighteen who opposed it. And when Washington retired, in 1797, in the debate on the address to him, drawn by Mr. Ames, Mr. Giles opposed its adoption. Among other things he said, "He did not regret the President's retiring from "office. He believed there were a thousand men in the "United States who were capable of filling the presidential "chair as well as it had been filled heretofore. And "although a clamor had been raised in all parts of the "United States, more or less, from apprehensions on the "departure of the President from office, yet, not feeling "these apprehensions himself, he was perfectly easy on "the occasion." 66 He, for his part, retained the same "opinions he had always done with respect to certain "prominent measures of his administration; nor should any influence under heaven ever prevent him from ex"pressing that opinion an opinion in which he was confident, ere long, all America would concur.' majority did concur with Mr. Giles ere long, and these "measures," so far as was practicable, were overruled; but whether for the prosperity, honor, and happiness of the country, it may be safely left to history to decide. Even now, it must strike one with surprise, that a sensible man, and a native Virginian too, found it an agreeable duty to record his disapprobation of a man whom all America, nay, all the world, regards with a veneration which never before or since has fallen to the lot of any man. After Mr. Giles left Congress he was for some time governor of Virginia. To what extent genuine hatred of the persons who were the authors of these "measures" imparted a character to Mr.

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Giles's feelings; and how far he was convinced that Washington's administration was injurious to the country, he might not have known himself; since his views as a statesman, were so intimately combined with an implacable per'sonal hatred.

It is worthy of notice, that the present chief magistrate of the United States, was one of the twelve in the House of Representatives, who refused the proposed testimonial of respect for the public services of GEORGE WASHINGTON. How much in character it was, for Andrew Jackson, so to vote, may be judged of from the fact, that the address to Washington contained these sentiments: "For our coun"try's sake, for the sake of republican liberty, it is our "earnest wish, that your example may be the guide of your successors; and thus, after being the ornament, and the safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our "descendants." (House of Rep., Dec. 15, 1796.)

LETTER XIII.

MARCH 6, 1833.

In the early part of the year 1793, France declared war against England. This country was then entangled with France, by treaty. A very serious question arose, as to the part which the United States should take, in this war, or whether any. It appears to have been expected in France, that the United States would engage on its side, from treaty stipulations, or inclination, against England.

The President, and his cabinet, were unanimously of opinion, that the United States were not held to take part in a war begun by France; and on the 18th of April, the celebrated proclamation of neutrality was issued. On the receiving of a minister from the French republic, the cabinet were divided; Jefferson and Randolph were in favor of it, Hamilton and Knox against it. The President adopted the opinion of the former. It appears to have been Washington's practice, to state questions in writing to the members of his cabinet, and to require their written answers; these he appears to have examined, and to have formed his own

opinion; sometimes requiring a discussion of these opinions. in his presence.

The country was already divided into parties, for and against, making a common cause with France. That in favor of it, severely condemned the proclamation; the other approved of it in the highest terms. The former denounced it as a royal edict, and as a daring assumption of power; while the other upheld it as a new proof of the wisdom and patriotism which had always distinguished Washington. About this time, there were introduced from France imitations of what was there called the Jacobin Club. This club (so called from its place of meeting) was composed of certain prominent men who met to decide what the measures of the government should be, and they accomplished their objects by intrigue and terror. The institu

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tions of the same sort here, were formed for the ostensible purpose of preserving civil liberty, but for the real purpose of overawing the government. They were here called "Democratic Societies," by their members, and "Jacobin Clubs," by their adversaries. They had an affinity with each other, by means of corresponding committees. They approved of all the excesses of the French Revolution. some of their festivals, especially in Philadelphia, extraordinary ceremonies are said to have occurred, in the presence, too, of distinguished men. But the memory of them has passed away; and it is probable, that the agents in these scenes lived to regret them. It can be no otherwise useful to refer to them, than to show the character of the times; and the excessive enthusiasm which the transactions of France inspired; and how embarrassing it was to our own government. Washington felt these combinations, as being destructive of all social order; and is supposed to have alluded to them in his farewell address, in speaking of 66 'secret societies." He mentioned them again and again, with the most decided disapprobation, in his private letters. The first minister that appeared here from the French republic, was the "citizen" Genet, who is said to have instituted the Jacobin Clubs in the United States. His employers assumed, that the United States were to engage, at once, in the war; and he was authorized to commission privateers, and to raise, in the United States, forces to attack British and Spanish possessions on this side of the water. He

seemed to consider himself entirely independent of the government of the United States. He was a man of middling stature, and full person, (as now recollected,) and of ardent and animated temperament.

It is usual for a foreign minister to present his credentials to the government to which he is sent, and to be received as such before he begins to exercise his functions. But the citizen Genet did not stop for such ceremonies. He landed at Charleston, S. C., on the 8th April. He was there received with every demonstration of respect and joy, as the representative of the great nation; and during his residence there, assumed to issue commissions, for the arming, fitting out, and manning with Americans, vessels of war "to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the

“United States were at peace." (Marshall, v. 411.)

His journey from Charleston to Philadelphia, was as that of a victorious chief, to whom a country was indebted for its salvation. He arrived at Philadelphia on the 16th of May, and was there received in a manner which might have misled a more intelligent man than citizen Genet. It strikes one with some surprise, that such events could have occurred in this country. One cannot look back on the enthusiasm and gratitude felt for republican France, without feeling how easily good sense and discretion may forsake a people. But we look back under the influence of events of posterior times, and as though these ought then to have been foreseen. Regarding this matter dispassionately, nothing was more natural than this enthusiasm. Grateful attachment to France while a monarchy, and detestation of England as a royal tyranny, had long been the common sentiment of the whole country. Now that France had become a republic, and was contending, to maintain herself, against England and royalty, the duty and interest of siding with France was too certain to admit of reasoning, it was an irresistible feeling. The greater, then, is the estimation in which Washington's foresight should be held, since he saw through, and far beyond this excitement; and, most honorable to him, was that magnanimity which opposed itself to the popular clamor.

Genet was astonished to find, that he could not carry on the war from this country, by exercising the powers of sovereignty in arming vessels, and having their prizes con