If she refused to do it, you would reach an impasse. Mr. GOSSETT. I imagine Great Britain would be very happy just to. pass that whole responsibility over to us. But you would not fravor our taking it, would you? Senator GILLETTE. Oh, no, indeed. Mr. CELLER. I do not believe Mr. Gossett would take it, either. Mr. GOSSETT. No; I would not favor it. But I may not represent the majority of this country. Senator GILLETTE. No, indeed. It is a responsibility that pertains to the association of nations of the world, in my opinion. Mr. FELLOWS. Senator, may I ask this? I gather from your statement that you do not feel that the passage of this bill would solve the real problem, that it is a much larger one, of which this is a part, and that larger one is a matter for the United Nations; that the passage by Congress of the IRO, that passed the House yesterday, would be a step in the right direction; that this is a part of the larger problem, and it should be settled as one big question? Senator GILLETTE. That was my sole purpose, Mr. Chairman, for appearing here, so that your record might show that the passage or failure to pass this legislation in this form or an amended form would not, while it would be an alleviation, perhaps and as I say, I would probably vote for it were I still a Member of Congress Mr. CELLER. Are you in favor of this bill? Senator GILLETTE. It would not solve Mr. CELLER. Are you in favor of this bill? Senator GILLETTE. I would want some amendments, Mr. Celler. The purpose of the bill is benign. There is no question about that. All of you agree with that. And, as I say, if I were a Member of Congress still, I think I would vote for the legislation, or similar legislation, but feeling, as the chairman has said, that it did not solve the fundamental problem, the insistence on meeting which I think was one of the moving factors in bringing about the introduction of this legislation. Mr. CELLER. Senator, I take it you mean this. This bill, you take it, would bring in 20 percent of the displaced persons who are of the race of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; and there still would remain 80 percent, whose problem would also have to be solved by some international arrangement, probably through the International Refugee Organization. Is that correct? Senator GILLETTE. That, Mr. Celler, in addition to this: As has been testified to since I have been sitting here in this room, 95 percent of these Hebrews wanted to go to Palestine, as their choice. Mr. GOSSETT. Let me ask another question, Senator. Mr. FELLOWS. Let the Senator finish, sir. Mr. GOSSETT. Very well. Senator GILLETTE. They wanted to go to Palestine. They are denied that privilege. They might come here as second choice. But the fact that you legislate them in here as a second choice would not change a situation where you deny a fundamental right of selfdetermination and the status that we have accorded every man in the world. Mr. GOSSETT. Do you think that every person of Jewish faith in Europe ought to be permitted to leave Europe if he wants to? Senator GILLETTE. I would see no objection, whether he was a Jew or a non-Jew. Mr. GOSSETT. Suppose everybody in Europe wanted to leave, then what would you do? Senator GILLETTE. It is all right with me, if they want to leave Europe. Mr. GOSSETT. Where would they go? Senator GILLETTE, Now, that is a question. If every person in the United States wanted to leave the United States, I would see no basic objection to it. Mr. GOSSETT. A person has some responsibility to the land where he was born, does he not? Senator GILLETTE, He certainly does. Mr. GOSSETT. People are more or less attached to territories, are they not? Senator GILLETTE. Definitely. Mr. GOSSETT. And there is some limitation on the right of an individual to pull up stakes from his native land and move into some other land. Senator GILLETTE. The only legal limitation would be the laws of the nation where he lived and the immigration laws of the nation to which he desired to go. Mr. GOSSETT. Then. I have this other question. Do you think the Jewish people of Europe should have preference as to their choices of lands into which to migrate? Senator GILLETTE. Do I think that? Mr. GOSSETT. Should they be given preferred treatment over the Protestants and Catholics? Senator GILLETTE. No, indeed, Congressman. Neither should they be discriminated against. Mr. GOSSETT. You answered that question. They are not being discriminated against. Senator GILLETTE. Oh, yes. Mr. GOSSETT. You still say, in Palestine, but not in this country. Senator GILLETTE. No, not in this country. It would be unconstitutional. Mr. FELLOWS. And you also say that the 95 percent who do not wish to come to America as a first choice should exercise the right of freemen to go where they chose, and they choose Palestine. If that 95 percent is brought over here, they would still want to go to Palestine. Senator GILLETTE. That is right. Mr. FELLOWS. And the question would not be solved, would it? Mr. CELLER. Have you information to that effect, that if they came. over here, they would still want to go to Palestine? Senator GILLETTE. No. Mr. CELLER. You have no such information? Senator GILLETTE. No, I have no such information, except the fact that Mr. Earl Harrison's report was that 95 percent of those interviewed desired to go to Palestine as their first choice. Mr. CELLER. Then you did not hear the question that the chairman asked of you. He asked whether or not if those 95 percent would come to the United States they would still want to go to Palestine. You do not know that, do you? Senator GILLETTE. If they still wanted to go to Palestine, this could be a second choice. Mr. CELLER. Would you say that the Jews who are in the displaced persons' camps voluntarily came to the displaced persons' camps, and that they voluntarily pulled up stakes? Would you say that the Polish Jews, for example, left Poland voluntarily? Would you say it was voluntary, where they would have to live under a pogrom atmosphere in Poland? Would you say that is a voluntary departure? Senator GILLETTE. I would be unable to express an opinion on that, Mr. Celler. I have not talked to those people personally. I talked to the refugees on the ships in Haifa Harbor. But I do not know of the individual situations to which you refer. Mr. CELLER. Wouldn't you say that if these people could live in decency and without fear in their native lands, they would do so? Senator GILLETTE. I think definitely they would return. Mr. CELLER. The answer is that they are in the displaced persons' camps because there is no freedom from fear, fear for their own lives and those of their dear ones; isn't that correct? Senator GILLETTE. That is definitely true, I am sure. Mr. CELLER. And you do not ask for any preference whatsoever for Jews as far as the Stratton bill is concerned? Senator GILLETTE. No, indeed. Mr. FELLOWS. Are there any further questions? Mr. CHELF. I want to thank you, Senator, for your statement. Senator GILLETTE. I thank you, gentlemen. I know my statement is somewhat extraneous. Mr. CELLER. Mr. Chairman, I did not hear the statements of the distinguished representatives of the American Legion. At this point, I should like to put into the record a resolution adopted by the American Legion, Franklin D. Roosevelt Post, the Department of Kentucky, April 1947, in favor of the Stratton bill. I should like to put into the record a statement of the Seventeenth District Legionnaire of Michigan supporting the Stratton bill. And I wish to state that during this week the Disabled Veterans of Kings County, about 1,500 disabled veterans, assembled in a public place in Kings County, Brooklyn, and passed resolutions in favor of the passage of the Stratton bill. Mr. FELLOWS. Very well. (The resolution and article referred to are as follows:) RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE AMERICAN LEGION, FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT POST, DEPARTMENT OF KENTUCKY, APRIL 1947 Whereas the stand of the American Legion taken in its various National Conventions against letting down the immigration bars is well known to each of the members of this post; and Whereas the majority of the members of this post are in complete agreement with the American-Legion program for the protection of the citizens of this country from unrestricted immigration and find no fault with this program, nevertheless, we as citizens of the United States of America, did just complete a war against those who tried to bring religious persecution and other tyrannies upon the world; and Whereas many of the members of this post served in the European theater of operations as well as in the Mediterranean theater of operations and are 65536-47-ser. 11-23 consequently familiar with the sad plight of displaced persons in Germany, Austria, and Italy and many of the members were among those to whom the stars and stripes had reference when it caused to be printed and published an article reading in part: "GI Joe is in himself the greatest relief agency of them all;" and Whereas the cessation of hostilities and subsequent return to civilian life of these members has not in any way changed their charitable inclinations toward these distressed persons; and Whereas the individual members of this post feel that H. R. 2910 (a) Does not propose any alteration whatever in our regular immigration quotas, but only sets up a special emergency quota for a limited number of refugees. (b) Proposes the use of less than half of the 900,000 quota places our laws made available during the years of war, but which were left unfilled. (c) Provided for screening of all applicants under the strict terms of our present immigration laws, so that no criminals subersives, or other undesirables can enter. (d) Permits the entry of 400,000 displaced persons, every one of whom is sponsored in advance by a Catholic, Protestant, or Jewish religious or welfare organization so that he cannot become a charge of the community: Therefore, be it Resolved, That we the members of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Post No. 266, Department of Kentucky, do hereby go on record as favoring H. R. 2910, a copy of which is attached hereto and made a part thereof as if written at length herein, as we feel that it in no wise conflicts with the existing immigration program of our national organization and is strictly emergency legislation which will not only affect individuals now in concentration camps but will in addition strengthen the hand of our Government in its relations with other nations and will relieve our comrades still in uniform in the Army of occupation, of one of their biggest problems; be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be presented to the 1947 State convention of the American Legion, Department of Kentucky, for its consideration with the request same be passed and further, that it be transmitted to the 1947 national convention for similar action, and that we as an organization and as individuals, write our Representatives and Senators and urge them to work for and vote favorably for the passage of such legislation. [From the Legionnaire, Royal Oak, Mich., April-May 1947] OUR CHANCE TO WIN THE PEACE-LESION AND THE DISPLACED PERSON-OUR HELP NEEDED (By Albert Starr) HAVE WE WON THE WAR? And Save the World for Democracy was the battle cry in the last world war. before that, it was "Remember the Maine," and before that it was the war between the French and English, and the Revolutionary War, and then the Indian War, and the Civil War, and the Boer War, and Abyssinia, and Spain. Perhaps some of the wars happened in different categorical order than listed in this editorial, but nevertheless they happened, and for what? I don't know— do you? I say, I don't know, because we have just gone through the titanic throes of another war, bigger, vaster, than anything before in our history, or any country's history. This time we were fighting a man, and what he stood for, a guy named Adolf Hitler, who rose from the semiskilled ranks of the paper-hanging trade in Munich, Germany, rose on the complacence and self-satisfaction of all nations, to become a gigantic beast, preying on the minds and bodies, hearts and souls of all men. We had to destroy him. Why? Well, he was taking land that didn't belong to him. He was destroying human liberties, throwing people in concentration camps, torturing them, killing, maiming, raping, because they had the guts to say no, when Der Fuehrer cracked the whip. Well, what the h-1 did we care. Sure, we felt sorry for the suffering peoples of Europe; the Jews and Catholics, the Poles and Presbyterians, the French and Episcopalians. But we were in America and Hitler would never dare attack us. The end of the story you all know now. Hitler didn't have to attack. Aroused out of senile complacency, we dug in and Hitler's end came. But with the war's end, peace did not come. 850,000 DISPLACED PERSONS People of all races, creeds, and colors didn't want to go home. The Poles didn't want to go to Poland, the Germans to Germany, and the Jews, who took undoubtedly, the worst beating of all, couldn't go anywhere, because they had nowhere to go. The President of the United States, Harry S. Truman, took the initiative and demanded entrance into the Jews' ancient homeland, Palestine, for 100,000-a very small part of DP Jews, scattered throughout Europe. The British refused. Arab rebellion and loss of colonial power and prestige were England fears. England has never kept her word, and never will. But, these are small factors. Now, 2 years after the war there are still some 850,000 people in Europe who live in detention camps. These men and women and children are the displaced persons, the survivors of Nazi concentration camps. They are victims of all forms of religious and political persecution, of barbarism and Nazi terror. They represent almost all religions. Some 80 percent are Christians of various denominations; 20 percent are Jews. Most of the displaced persons are natives of Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia. Others come from Finland, Yugoslavia, Greece, France, and various other European countries. More than 50 percent of the displaced persons are women and children. There are 150,000 children below the age of 17. Of these, 70,000 are estimated to be under 6 years. of age. The displaced persons' most cherished desire is to start a new life in a country where there is freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom of movement. Since VE-day, 11,000,000 displaced persons have been repatriated. But the remaining 850,000 cannot be returned to their original places of residence. These people do not wish to and cannot return to their homes of origin, because they fear oppression for religious, racial, or political reasons. The Governments of the United States, Great Britain, and France officially declared that no people would be forced to return to their homelands against their will. The United Nations has endorsed the same principle. Unless reasonably quick action is taken for the permanent resettlement of displaced persons, these people may form the nucleus of an international relief problem of long duration. By remaining in central Europe, they may become a source of international discord. All thinking men and women are aware that the plight of displaced persons constitutes one of the greatest cancers gnawing at the peace so dearly won. REFUGEES AND IMMIGRATION The United Nations established the International Refugee Organization to deal with the displaced-person problem. Its charter is signed by the United States. But the IRO cannot solve the problem unless immigrant-receiving countries make special provisions to receive a fair share of displaced persons. The United States as a leader in international affairs, must take the first step in this direction. The rest of the world would follow suit. In the 1920's, the United States Congress passed immigration laws which permit 154,000 quota immigrants to enter this country annually. During the 1940-46 war period only 15 percent of the total world quota was used. In other words, the United States lost 914,762 people who could have entered this country legally and whom we were ready and prepared to receive. The United States is one of the few countries that has not been ravaged by war. It has been estimated that a fair share of displaced persons to enter the United States would be about 400,000. This number would equal less than half of the number of quotas that were not used during the war years. Having lived under the brutal tyranny of dictatorship and totalitarianism, the displaced persons can truly value the ideals of democracy and the principles on which this country was founded. The displaced persons, like any other group of immigrants, would be screened by Federal authorities before permission to enter this country is granted. No person advocating the overthrow of the Government by violence, no anarchist, |