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of the African Repository. Shortly afterwards, Moss wrote William McLain, corresponding secretary of the society, and announced that he was "A Colored Man"-not indicating whether he was slave or free-and that he was "going to Liberia." According to Moss, Griffin had "About 40 free Persons" and he had "got fifteen to consent to go to Liberia." Moss was concerned about the prospects of travel because "the white people" told him that emigrants could not "pass to Liberia" because of the "war with Turkey and Russia." While Moss had had no previous correspondence with McLain, he had, nevertheless, gained information "Anoff to know that Liberia are the best plast for me [sic]." Having already consulted other Griffin blacks about Liberia, Moss asked for more copies of the Repository. He "cud get most of them to go," but he needed more supporting information and he was "out of books." Moss concluded his first letter to McLain by announcing that a white man, the Reverend J. H. Campbell of Griffin, was going to help him take the names of potential emigrants. "Write as soon as you get this," he exhorted.2 Moss's letter was supported by one written the next day by Campbell who told McLain, "I have been requested by several free negroes in this town to ascertain the terms upon which they may emigrate to Liberia." Campbell had learned (obviously from Moss) that "about thirty free persons of color in this place" wanted "to emigrate" and needed specific information on the process and expenses.3

William McLain responded in the patient, professional way that made him so valuable to the society. He sent "some documents" for Moss to "circulate among the people who want information about Liberia." After explaining the simple application procedure for emigrants, McLain told Moss that if he and his Griffin neighbors intended to sail on the society's vessel leaving Savannah on December 14, 1853, they must immediately send "message by telegraph saying how many will go certain Dec. 15." McLain concluded, "We expect to send about 150 people from Savannah, in this vessel. Very good and nice people they are too. - If you and your fifteen go, it will make a larger number & must be provided for."' 4

2 William H. Moss to McLain, Nov. 14, 1853, ibid. 3J. H. Campbell to McLain, Nov. 18, 1853, ibid., vol. 132. 4 McLain to Moss, Nov. 18, 1853, McLain Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 12, ACS Archives, LC (hereafter cited as McLain Letter Books).

It soon became apparent that neither Moss nor his Griffin following were as committed or prepared for Liberia as his first letter to McLain had indicated. On November 21, 1853, Moss announced that the freemen of Griffin wanted him to go to Liberia and "inspect" the land for them. He hoped to go in November of the next year and stay for three months. The people had "made up" seventy dollars for his traveling expenses, although he was unsure of the transportation charges.5

McLain still considered Moss and his followers potential emigrants and immediately tried to persuade Moss to drop the inspection plan by telling him of others who would "have saved a year of their lives" if they had "gone without delay." Individual transportation costs to Liberia were thirty dollars, reported McLain, and forty dollars for the return voyage, but if one went "as an emigrant, to stay in Liberia, we could give you a free passage- but as you only go as a traveler to see & return-we cannot do it."6

It is difficult to determine whether Moss seriously thought he could or would go to Liberia, but he did try to maintain his newly established relationship with the society by a string of letters in the winter of 1853. In a tone probably misleading in its optimism, Moss reported that he was continuing his selfappointed work of promoting the society's interests in Griffin. He was not sure when he could leave on his Liberian inspection tour, but he reported continued interest among Griffin blacks who were trying to sell their property and make general preparations for emigration. Illness had not kept him from distributing the information McLain had forwarded, and the Reverend J. H. Campbell had, at the same time, been taking down the names of interested persons. He was going, he assured his unseen benefactors, and he also needed more literature to distribute. Would McLain forward the "Annual Reporte"??

One week later the positive trend of the Moss correspondence was broken when one of his black friends, Alford Tolson, wrote McLain to say that William H. Moss was "now

5 Moss to McLain, Nov. 21, 1853, Letters Received, ser. 1. vol. 132.

6 McLain to Moss, Nov. 28, 1853, McLain Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 12.

7 Moss to McLain, Nov. 24, Dec. 10, 1853, Letters Received. ser. 1, vol. 132.

in gale" for failing to pay $262.50 in taxes. According to Tolson, Moss wanted the society to lend him the money to get out of jail. Then he and his wife and two children would go to Liberia. After establishing himself there, Moss proposed to "pay the Society."8 The implications of this letter are unclear. Either Moss was trying to defraud the society, or white citizens of Griffin who could not distinguish between colonization and abolition had trumped up charges to quiet him.

The colonization society was in constant financial difficulties, and Moss's indirect request for financial aid was never seriously considered. In McLain's absence, James W. Lugenbeel responded in critical tones to the previous letters from Moss and Tolson. Both letters bore the same date, December 10, 1853, and the society paid five cents postage on each. The postmaster in Washington required this payment because he said the Griffin blacks had "put stamps on the letters that had been used before-taken from letters that had already passed through post offices!!!" Lugenbeel warned Moss that such an offense "is a very serious violation of law" subject to possible fine or imprisonment. To extract himself from the role of chief critic, Lugenbeel allowed that he was not sure this allegation was true since both "the stamps looked very greasy and dirty." Nevertheless, the postmaster at Griffin had marked them 'Dead Stamps" and his counterpart in Washington had agreed. Lugenbeel promised to put the "letters before Mr. McLain on his return."9

The society's problems with Moss were just beginning. The dead stamp issue paled to insignificance when McLain received the following letter from Henry Banks of Griffin:

Sir I have a negro Boy who is bound to me until he is 21 years old he has about 5 years to Serve. I find that he is corresponding with you on the subject of Liberia Colinisation. It is out of the question for him to go until his time is out. and then he will have to be taken gratuitously by the society. he now can make from one to 2 Dollars pr. week but he is to lazy to ever do this much work, He informed you that he was free, which was false, the notice you have taken of his Letters has rendered him disatisfied-to my injury, and his own too. I would beg leaf to suggest the propriety of your office addressing some white person before a correspondence came to the Extent

8 Alford Tolson to McLain, Dec. 10, 1853, ibid.

9 James W. Lugenbeel to Moss, Dec. 14, 1853, McLain Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 12.

that yours and this Negro Boys has reached. You will oblige me by discontinuing further notice of his letters.10

McLain's immediate response reflected years of experience. Although he did not want to jeopardize the society's tenuous acceptance in Georgia, he also did not want to turn his back completely on the black community of Griffin. Acknowledging Banks's indignant letter, McLain wrote:

you [did] not mention the name of your Negro who has been writing, and therefore I am left to reckon that it is W. Moss-If such is the fact I shall take no further notice of his letters. We never write to slaves knowingly. We have no correspondents in Griffin except yourself & him- & therefore consider that he did very wrong in representing himself as freeBut where slaves are allowed to write, & have no better principles than to lie, we are liable to be imposed upon-though we exercise the greatest care & prudence.11

Realizing that his reputation with the society had been damaged, Moss immediately set about telling his side of the story. He staunchly maintained that the dead stamp charge was untrue. The stamps, according to Moss, were only soiled from having been in his back pocket. 12 He made no mention of his having been in jail, nor did he mention a fine or tax, but he reported, "Alford Tolson he now in gale."'13 On the positive side he announced three more applications for passage to Liberia from blacks in McDonough, Henry County, and he maintained that his group would be ready to leave in the fall of 1854; he had ap

10 Henry Banks to McLain, Dec. 17, 1853, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 132. In 1850 39-year-old Henry Banks, a "shoemaker," owned $5,000 worth of real estate; in federal population schedule, Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, Pike County, Ga., Records of the Bureau of the Census, Record Group 29, National Archives (hereafter cited as RG 29, NA). This census is also available as National Archives Microfilm Publication M432. Ten years later Banks had doubled his real estate holdings, and in addition he had $19,200 worth of personal property. Banks was born in Connecticut, but his wife and six children were born in Georgia. By 1860 he was known as a "Shoe Merchant"; in federal population schedule, Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, Spalding County, Ga., RG 29, NA (also available as National Archives Microfilm Publication M653). According to the 1850 Pike County slave schedule, Henry Banks owned five slaves. The last slave listed, a black male, 17, was probably William Moss. 11 McLain to Banks, Dec. 24, 1853, McLain Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 12.

12 Moss to McLain, Dec. 19, 1853, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 132.

13 Moss to McLain, Dec. 26, 1853, ibid.

parently given up the idea of an inspection tour. 14

Obviously William Moss intended to do everything within his power to maintain his relationship with the society. He assured McLain that when the fall expedition was prepared "me and Mr. J. H. Campbell will furnish you with names A planty."'15 His master was, he candidly announced to McLain, "inter[ferling with my writing to you All." Nevertheless, Moss declared his intention to continue the correspondence and bravely asked McLain to write to him "in the Cear of J. H. Campbell[,] Griffin."'16

If Banks's letter to McLain was any indication, Moss was certainly intimidated and probably punished by his master, for more than a year and a half elapsed before he again communicated directly with the colonization society. But he maintained his zealous interest in colonization-as shown by letters McLain received from other blacks in Moss's hometown of Griffin. G. Tolson, who declared that he was a free man, said Moss had persuaded him "to consent to go." He seemed apprehensive, however, and was "not Ready [to] start yet." He told McLain that Moss had secured a tentative acceptance from others in the community. 17

The next day McLain received a similar letter from another free black in Griffin. Samuel Chub told McLain that the irrepressible Moss had talked him into going to Liberia. By "reading the books to me," he reported, "I have Come convinced that Liberia Are the place fore me but I am not redy" yet. There were a number of details still to be worked out, but Chub wanted to know the freight charges if he took his horse with him- in addition to his wife and family.

14 Ibid. 15 Ibid.

16 Moss to McLain, Dec. 19, 1853, ibid. Jesse H. Campbell, 46, was a Baptist preacher, born in Georgia. By 1860 he had accumulated $13,000 worth of real estate and $3,000 worth of private property. He and his wife Frances had four sons. The oldest, Sherwood, was a "Law Student" in 1860 and the next oldest, Cooper C., a "Civil Engineer." Sherwood was 24, Cooper, 22, Abner B., 20, and Charles D., 18 in 1860. Included in the household in the 1860 census was Robert Moss, 33, a mulatto. His relationship to William Moss is unclear. Federal population schedule, Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, Spalding County, Ga., RG 29, NA. An examination of Spalding County's 1860 slave schedule indicates that Campbell was not a slaveholder.

17 G. Tolson to McLain, May 28, 1854, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 134.

Moss was well-informed, for he had correctly told Chub that, if he could not pay his way to Liberia, the society would send him and his family "free of Charge."'18

McLain informed Chub that the society was planning to send a vessel from Savannah in November or December 1854 if sufficient emigrants were available in Georgia. “You cannot take your horse," McLain said. "The voyage is too long- he would not stand it well. We will give a free passage + six months support in Liberia to persons of good character who will send us their names before the 1st of Oct. We should be glad to have you raise a company of 25 [or] 30." 19 Chub replied, “ ́i cannot tell when I will Be redy to go but I will try and get all [I] can." 20

In the fall of 1855, after a year and a half of relative silence, Moss wrote McLain again: "1 have counsel with myself whether to write to you or not but I have come to the conclusion to write by my friends being after me so Butl cannot have much correspondence and till my time Expires and then I will do all that is in my power" for the society. Moss was on the verge of being a free man. Substantiating Banks's earlier letter to McLain, Moss declared, "I am now going on to twenty years the 13th of Dec. next i will be out" of bondage.21 Although Moss did not want to jeopardize his imminent freedom, he had seen an article in a recent issue of the African Repository that had stimulated his entreprenurial nature.

In 1854 the society-which existed solely on private donations-collected $16,964.32 less than it had the previous year. 22 In desperation McLain instituted another of his collection

18 Samuel Chub to McLain, May 29, 1854, ibid. Samuel Chub was probably related to William Moss by marriage. In 1850, Samuel, a 27-year-old black "Wagoner," was living in Griffin. He had accumulated $300 worth of personal property Four others shared his home: B. A. Chub, black female, 31 Elin Chub, black male, 11; Sara Moss, black female, 64, bom in Virginia; and Louisa Moss, black female, 22. B. A., Elin and Louisa were born in Georgia, but Samuel was bom in "N.E.," probably New England. Federal population schedule Seventh Census of the United States, 1850, Pike County, Ga.. RG 29, NA. On December 20, 1851, Spalding County was created from parts of Fayette, Henry, and Pike counties. 19 McLain to Chub, June 12, 1854, McLain Letter Books ser. 2, vol. 12.

20 Chub to McLain, Oct. 8, 1854, Letters Received, ser. 1. vol. 136.

21 Moss to McLain, Aug. 4, 1855, ibid., vol. 140.

22 William McLain, "Urgent Call for Aid," The African Re pository and Colonial Journal 31 (Apr. 1855):113.

schemes. In the April African Repository he announced, "we have issued a circular letter to friends in other parts of the country, proposing to raise $10,000, or more, by the aid of one thousand voluntary agents." 23 The society sent these letters to states where there was no "agent employed in collecting funds." 24 In the July issue, McLain announced that the society had "heard from only about one tenth of those to whom we sent the circular." 25 Georgians had collected and contributed $380.00 of the $2,517.08 the society had received from this venture.26

Moss was intrigued by the scheme and apparently saw in it some possibility of selfadvancement. Regarding the circular letter, he advised McLain, "I think that is a good open for to get some money Around here and if you will give me an agency of getting money for you by send[ing] it [to] me and getting Mr. Campbell to insert his name to it I will indeavor to get you some money me and the Rev. oen [sic] george A. Battis Collour man in this place." He concluded his letter to McLain by announcing that he had written a composition on Liberian emigration which would be forwarded as soon as some final additions and corrections were made. Publish it "if you think it worth it," Moss advised; "if you Dont send it back to me." Since whites in Griffin had pressured Campbell to curtail his support of colonization, Moss concluded his letter by asking McLain to write to him in care of J. E. Adams of Atlanta, Georgia.27

McLain's patience with Moss had worn thin. "I have been at a loss how to answer it [Moss's letter of August 4, 1855]. You speak of your time expiring and of not being able to do anything or have much correspondence till then. What do you mean by this?- Are you bound out-or are you slave- or are you free, but not of age! We ought to know something more about you.' "28 Moss replied that his "time [would] be up in a few days" and that 23 "Next Expedition to Liberia - Appeals for Funds," ibid., p. 97.

24 McLain, "Urgent Call," ibid., p. 114.

25 "Responses From Our One Thousand Voluntary Agents," ibid. (July 1855):193.

26 See chart, ibid.

27 Moss to McLain, Aug. 4, 1855, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 140; federal population schedule, Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, Spalding County, Ga., RG 29, NA.

28 McLain to Moss, Oct. 5, 1855, McLain Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 14.

he would get a "liscen" from Judge Stark of the superior court the third Monday in December.2 29

Moss apparently read each issue of the African Repository very carefully and discussed the contents with the blacks in Griffin and nearby towns. From the Repository Moss knew of a proposed merger of Sierra Leone and the state of Maryland in Liberia with the Republic of Liberia.30 The potential emigrants in Griffin were encouraged by the idea of going to a country with a government similar to "the one that they [would] leave behind." They believed "in organization of the federal government like our old farther Washington what has Stood for A many a day," Moss reported. Moss again asked McLain to authorize him as an official agent of the American Colonization Society. He promised to stimulate local interest, but he needed copies of several newspapers, including the Liberian Herald, so that he could give out "correct information." Moss wanted McLain to forward all the materials he would need for an effective agency. In an attempt to demonstrate his sincerity, Moss asked McLain to "send the bill of what they will be worth and I will send the money and then you can send them to me." "Write as soon as you get this," he concluded.31

McLain did not respond. He had apparently lost all faith in William Moss. Their three-year correspondence had produced no money and no emigrants from Griffin. Moss still wanted to be an official agent of the society, however. If "you all need help let me know and I will help you all I can," he offered. 32 McLain replied by telling Moss that he should forward one dollar for a year's subscription to the African Repository. Curtly, he concluded, "We have an agent in Geo-the Rev. J. S. Bacon, D.D. and we do not want another." 33 Moss either did not get the letter, or, if he did receive McLain's rejection, he did not realize its finality. Six months later Moss was again asking to be an agent and wondering "what you all are will[ing]

29 Moss to McLain, Nov. 26, 1855, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 141.

30 Joseph J. Roberts, "Confederated or Consolidated Liberia," African Repository 31 (Oct. 1855):290.

31 Moss to McLain, Nov. 26, 1855, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 141.

32 Moss to McLain, Feb. 18, 1856, ibid., vol. 142.

33 McLain to Moss, Mar. 1, 1856, McLain Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 14.

to give me" for his pay.34 Although he promised to "attend to the office" with the "most Gracefully & prompt attentions," his supplications went unrewarded.35

By 1857, William Moss had given up the idea of being an agent of the American Colonization Society and again concentrated his efforts on going to Liberia. In February he wrote of local interest in immediate emigration. Moss wanted to know when the next vessel was sailing for Liberia so he could get ready to leave in time.36 Ralph R. Gurley, another ACS official, wrote Moss of an ACS vessel leaving Norfolk in May.37 Moss replied that the Griffin emigrants- at least ten appeared completely committed-would prefer leaving from Savannah.38 If they were serious about emigrating, they were dealt a fatal blow by Savannah's city council.

Disturbed about the number of Liberian emigrants leaving Savannah and even more over the effect this exodus was having on local blacks, a "special committee" of the council, consisting of Mayor James P. Screven and Aldermen Richard D. Arnold and Solomon Cohen, recommended an ordinance calling for a $200 tax on each black emigrant leaving the city. A local colonization sympathizer reported that the committee had originally proposed a $100 tax, but before they read the proposal to the city council it was raised to $200. No "remarks were made" when the tax was proposed to the council, and it passed "without modification or amendment." 39 The mayor then directed Edward G. Wilson, clerk of council, to inform William McLain officially that the tax was "intended as prohibitory and to prevent any further shipment of Negroes from this Port to Liberia.'

" 40

34 Moss to McLain, Aug. 5, 1856, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 144.

35 Moss to McLain, Aug. 28, 1856, ibid.

36 Moss to Ralph Randolph Gurley, Feb. 2, 11, 1857, ibid., vol. 145.

37 Gurley to Moss, Feb. 8, 1857, Gurley Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 41, ACS Archives, LC (hereafter cited as Gurley Letter Books).

38 Moss to Gurley, Feb. 12, 1857, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 145.

39 E. O. Withington to McLain, July 26, 1856, ibid., vol. 144. Included in Withington's letter were clippings from the Savannah Daily Morning News, Oct. 13, Dec. 9, 1856, which were reports of council meetings.

40 Edward G. Wilson to McLain, July 27, 1856, Letters Received, ser. 1, vol. 144; Withington to McLain, Aug. 8, 1856, ibid.

More than any other factor, this tax shattered the hopes of William Moss and his Griffin following. In vain, Moss told Gurley that his group could be ready to leave Georgia that coming November, but they could not pay the tax in Savannah nor could they afford to travel to Norfolk. Still, they would try to be at "the place of saling in Nov.," Moss bravely resolved.41

Several weeks later Moss wrote one of the most intriguing letters ever written by a black in antebellum Georgia. Moss questioned Gurley about what sort of work he should do in Liberia. He was a "Boot Maker by trade," and he could teach music. He had also studied "spelling & reading the English grammar Arithmetic & Geography & English language Analysis & Physiology & Hygiene & botany & parkers philosophy & I can teach chemistry very good I have started in to Geology but I can not do much with it yet." Moss reported that his only failing as a scholar was that he could "not remember long at the time." Although he admitted he had never done any farming, he was certain that he could "garden as well as anyone at the North." Moss promised to pay for any material the society sent him as soon as he got to Liberia and, presumably, made some money. "I do not want Any thing to come agance me & I am trying to do all I can to get emigrants to go with me."' 42

Gurley answered this remarkable letter and complimented Moss on his achievements. 43 In reply Moss stressed that his study "was done under great disadvantages." He had "spent the twelve last years of [his] life In Studying [his] books" and sometimes he had had no teacher. However, young Moss was not completely self-educated. "In 1849," he reported, "I saw prof. S. N. Looms proform the beautifully Study of Chemistry and Natural & Experimental philosophy to which i took A fancy to and i commence studying of it." In 1855 he had continued his formal education with work in "mechanics, hydrostatics hydraulics aerostics [sic] Electro magnetism & magnetic electricity." "44 Having established his credentials, Moss was now ready for his next ploy. Savan

41 Moss to Gurley, Feb. 23, 1857, ibid., vol. 145.

42 Moss to Gurley, Mar. 15, 1857, ibid., vol. 146.

43 Gurley to Moss, Mar. 19, 1857, Gurley Letter Books, ser. 2, vol. 42.

44 Moss to Gurley, Mar. 31, 1857, Letters Received, ser. 1. vol. 146.

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