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already look for aid against our own country? What question, as a test of political orthodoxy, is now put to a candidate, before he can be elected to the House of Commons? Are you for universal emancipation? What a test! Who would have dreamed of it twenty years ago? And yet more than four hundred and fifty Englishmen have been elected to Parliament under that solemn pledge. How long will West-India colonial slavery continue to exist, under the legislation of such a Parliament? Let South Carolina, or any, or all the slave-holding States of the South, separate from the other States in this Union, and take, or not take, shelter under the arm of any European nation; and how long do you believe that, or the other nations of that continent, would permit slavery to exist, among their republican allies? Sir, it cannot be disguised, nor should it be left untold, in this great question, that the very existence of that labor in the South, for a more profitable condition of which those States are now struggling to destroy all the free labor of this country, does in fact depend on the protecting power and arms of that free labor. Take from them the shelter of the power and arms of the American people, whose common welfare they are striving to destroy; leave them with their slaves to themselves for security and protection, and how would their labor differ, in ten years, from that of the West-Indies or Mexico?

"Remember, Sir, man lives not by the voluntary bestowments of man. One Being only, in the universe, gives all, and always, and receives nothing. Men live by mutual aids. Something for something, is the great law of reciprocity and exchange, throughout the world. Those who expect to receive, must be ready to bestow. Do the South expect a protection of their labor from the North, then let them be ready to bestow what they cannot want, and not receive, without utter ruin."

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"What have you done, Sir, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means? What have you done for New-England? New-England-the landing-place of the Pilgrims; the cradle of American Independence; New-England-the blood of whose sons has fertilized so many Southern, and consecrated so many

Northern fields. What, I demand of you, have you done, in all your wise provisions, for New-England? You have left undemolished-what could you else?—her rivers and rocks, her mountains, and winter storms; and oh, how courteous! you have not taken away from her, the curse of exterior influence, and interior treachery. You may triumph, you cannot subdue ; New-England labor, like New-England valor, can never be subdued.

"You of the South, have essayed every scheme and shift of policy. Your embargo lashed our ships to the wharves, until their shrouds fell from the masts. Your non-intercourse and war, locked up in warehouses, the staples of our commerce, which had been purchased and long paid for to you; and even New-Orleans was defended by the cotton of New-England. By your Tariff of 1816, you called on New-England, to sacrifice her rich East-India commerce, to what then you denominated much greater interest—the national independence and the common welfare.

"Oh no-place New-England in a region of rock, without earth or water, our labor shall drill the solid stone, and like the staff of the Prophet, let out the gushing stream. Our perseverance shall beat the flint into small dust, and cover the whole surface with soil. The dews, and the rain, and the sunshine of Heaven, the only creatures of God left by you, in amity with us, shall give to our new earth, moisture and fertility; and time, and labor, and God's blessing shall cover the whole region with verdure."


Speech of Mr. Burges on the Tariff-Nullification in South Carolina.-The Revenue Bill.-The President's Proclamation.—Mr. Clay, and his Compromise Bill.-Mr. Burges's Address to his constituents. He is re-elected to Congress. His opinions concerning Slavery.

As the all-absorbing question concerning the Tariff Laws was again introduced, Mr. Burges once more spoke on the Resolutions before the House. In his Speech, which embraces the leading principles of the American System, the amount of taxes paid by the protection and anti-protection States respectively, are discussed; and some of the effects of the abolition of protection explained, both in regard to revenue and national industry.

With this subject, (the protection of American Industry,) Mr. Burges is perhaps as conversant as any statesman in our country. He has thoroughly studied its principles, and its details-he feels that not Rhode-Island alone is interested, but that the prosperity and happiness of all the States depend upon it-that it is one of our most valuable national resources, and should be cherished with peculiar solicitude. Hence, whenever that System has been opposed, in Congress or elsewhere, he has ever stood forth, as its valiant and zealous champion; depicting in eloquent terms, the blessings which it diffuses over our extended country. It is by labor in such a cause, that the name of a citizen is associated with wisdom and patriotism.

The dangers which threatened our Union at that period, are fresh in the recollection of all. The State of South Carolina, by assemblages of her people, by violent harangues on the part of influential politicians, by the message of her Governor, and the enactment of laws conflicting with the Constitution of the United States, had assumed a fearful and perilous attitude.

The consideration of Congress was invited to the subject, in the Message of President Jackson, and subsequently by his Proclamation; an instrument which was replete with maxims of good government. In accordance with that Proclamation, a Bill was reported to the Senate by Mr. Webster, for enforcing the laws made for collection of the revenue. When that Bill came down from the Senate, and was reported to the House, and brought up for debate, the session had almost expired; and it was determined by its friends, to allow opposition as much time as possible on their part to discuss it; but, for want of time, its friends were not to indulge in a protracted debate. Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, Chairman of the Committee who reported the Bill from the Senate, and now Speaker of the House, a gentleman of ability, with some of his associates of the Committee, it was expected, would be almost the only speakers. The measure was too important for any objection to be left unanswered. It was supposed Mr. McDuffie would use his vigorous weapons of attack, and it was desirable that he should be answered, before the debate was closed. Mr. Burges was requested by Mr. Grundy, a confidential friend of President Jackson, to perform this service; which he had intended to do, from the commencement of the discussion. When Mr. McDuffie had finished, Mr. Burges rose to reply; but Mr. Wayne, of Georgia, had already risen, and was announced as entitled to the floor. He concluded at nine o'clock at night. He again rose, but Mr. Daniel, of Kentucky, being nearer the Speaker, obtained the floor; but he was evidently speaking against time, and was determined that no one should reply to him or to Mr. McDuffie, until the next day. He did not close until two o'clock at night; when it was resolved, on consultation, that the debate should proceed no further; but that as soon as he closed, Mr. Bell should call the previous question. The day after, the Bill was read a third time, and passed.'

1 Whatever credit President Jackson may have acquired by his Proclamation, he seems now determined to destroy it. It would be singular for almost any other man to shape a course so entirely opposed to the sentiments of that Proclamation, as he has done.

Near the close of the session, Mr. Clay introduced a Bill, to alter and amend the Tariff Laws. That Bill contained provisions designed expressly to meet the tone of popular feeling at the South, and to assuage the elements which were then threatening a dissolution of our Union. With his peculiar tact and unrivalled eloquence, he implored the Senate to pass the Bill; and thus to avert the storm, which, if it does come, must sweep away the last hopes of freedom. It passed; and was sent down to the House. There, as in the Senate, it met with opposition, but was finally enacted.'

Mr. Burges was again re-elected to Congress in August, 1833, by a large majority over his immediate competitor. He was the only candidate elected among several competitors. In addressing his constituents, prior to the day of election, he gave a conclusive, and admirable illustration of the doctrines of nullification; both in their theory and practice.

"Nullification is the theory, the science, of that political system, of which treason and open rebellion are the art and practice. It claims for each and every State in the Union, the right and power to abolish, make utterly void, and take away the very existence of any, or every law of the United States, within the limits of any State which may choose to exercise such right and power. Every department of our National Government, and every feature of our national character, depend for their existence, on some law or laws, enacted under the Constitution, by the United States. The foul sorceress of Nullification may point her lean and withered finger, at each one of them; and they at once melt down and vanish from existence. She

1This bill, in all its provisions, was not satisfactory to the friends of the Tariff. Mr. Clay himself was not favorable to all its parts. He knew, however, that the whole framework of the American System was endangered; and that it was better to introduce some conciliatory clauses, rather than to see it all perish. The experience of every day is developing the wisdom of Mr. Clay's policy.

The representatives from New-England strongly opposed that Bill. Mr. Burges made a vehement speech against it, and incurred the censure of many sincere friends. We may confidently assert, that it is the only one made by him in the Congress of the United States which has caused them regret.

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