"The theory of Nullification depends on the fact that the United States is not a sovereignty, a nation; but that each one of the several States is a sovereignty, a nation; and because all sovereignties are equal, no tribunal can decide between them, when they have been wronged by an unconstitutional law; and each, therefore, must, and can decide for itself, by nullifying such law. If the United States, on the contrary, be a nation, it must be endowed with sovereign power, in the legislative, judicial, and executive departments of that power, in all things granted by the Constitution; and because the States are not sovereignties, not nations, their claim, as sovereigns, as nations, to adjudicate and nullify Congressional laws because unconstitutional, is at an end; and all such questions must arise, not between sovereignties, as the nullifiers contend they do arise, but between the United States and the citizens of the United States; and do, therefore, fall within the jurisdiction of the judicial power granted by the people under the Constitution to the Supreme Court, or such other courts as may be established by Congress.”

It was supposed by many, that Mr. Burges had endeavored to irritate the feelings of the South, on the question of Slavery. But he has always, as has been before remarked, labored to conciliate those feelings, by disclosing what he believed to be the prevailing sentiments and principles of the North, concerning slavery. "I have told them," says he, "that the votaries of universal emancipation are few in number, not more numerous in the North than in the South. They are considered as aiming at things impossible, if not pernicious; and from the great mass of public opinion, they receive as much countenance or encouragement in the South as they do in the North. The great and highly respectable body of The Friends, I have told them, who had done so much in Europe and America, for suppressing the slave trade, would, so soon as it might be done, with justice to masters, and with benefit to slaves, give freedom to the whole human race. Those men devoted to the great principles of Christianity, 'Peace on earth, and good will to man,' would never tarnish their good purposes, by effecting

them by any evil means; nor ever dissolve the relation between master and slave, unless they could do it by the mutual consent of both. They have been further told by me, in open debate, that the great body of Northern people were, from constitutional principles, and from political feelings, utterly opposed to all interference between the master and the slave. They believed that the laws of their country have forbidden to them the right, and they felt, that their own interests did not give to them the inclination, to interfere in the great race of emulation, among the several States, for wealth, power, and political influence. The people of the North have felt that slavery was a burthen upon their fellow-citizens of the South, which impeded them in their course and that no principle of charity commanded, but every principle of worldly wisdom forbade them, to touch this burthen, with so much as one of their fingers, until those who carried it, became fairly weary with the load, and called on them sincerely for aid in laying it down."

Of African Colonization he has likewise spoken in the freest and most decided terms of approbation. But he has not joined the Society for that purpose; because he believed he might be more useful to the great object, without doing so; and because he will not give occasion to Southern men to say that he has united and pledged himself to an association hostile to their interests. It has often been said by him, on the floor of Congress, "that Colonization was the great and perhaps only means by which our country could ever be relieved from the burden of slavery; that in no other way could America, and the Christian world, discharge the onerous debt, owed by them to Africa. For at an early period, that quarter of the globe sent out, and spread over the world, the light of letters, science, and civilization. The return made for these blessings has been, beyond all measure, unjust and cruel. The nations of the earth have not only established, on her soil, the most unrelenting tyranny; but they have dragged her unoffending children into every quarter of the world; and from generation to generation, chained them down, father and son, to a load of perpetual slavery. Colonization, by founding a state in Western Africa,

may establish there, equal laws, free institutions, and republican government. Migration, at first small, but gradually increasing, will fill up their numbers; and in a few generations, the whole coast will be covered with well-informed, well-regulated, and powerful communities. Perseverance, prudence, Christian charity, and the aid of Divine Providence, will finally finish this great scheme of philanthropy; and not only relieve the United States from what may otherwise rend them asunder; but send back to Africa her own children, free, and enabled to enrich and enlighten their mother country, with letters, science, cultivation, and Christianity."

1 Besides the discourses and speeches noticed in the preceding pages, Mr. Burges has delivered many others; indeed, so numerous are they, that it would have been impracticable to have detailed the whole. Perhaps he is never more successful, than when he addresses his fellow-citizens of Rhode-Island, preparatory to their elections. On such occasions, where it would seem almost impossible to tread on classic ground, he frequently introduces allusions so beautiful, that the hearer supposes the idea could not be conveyed without their assistance. Few men in our country, we imagine, are more happy in unpremeditated remarks, and few can command in a popular meeting, attention so profound.

CONCLUSION.

FROM the period of Mr. Burges's entrance into Rhode-Island College, until the present time, he has been an unwearied and habitual student. Eminence in his profession, and in a public capacity, was among his earliest resolutions; and to the attainment of this end, his thoughts, habits, and purposes have been directed. Few men have been more assiduous in the various departments of study; ancient and modern history, poetry, philosophy, and the sciences. This judicious application of time and opportunities has moulded his mind into beautiful proportions, and imparted to his speeches and discourses, an imaginative, classical, and eloquent character. He affords a practical illustration of that admirable truth maintained by Cicero that eminent success in the Cabinet, in the Hall of Legislation, at the Bar, in the Pulpit, can be secured only by continued, patient study. The great Roman justly thought that the art of eloquence, to the acquisition of which his best days were devoted, could be gained in no other manner. To soar on its loftiest pinion, man must learn the deep springs of human passion, and feel that great interests are in peril; and then he will move, persuade, or pacify. It is by study, that the book of philosophy is adorned with the sublime truths of Newton; that in poetry breathes the living soul of Milton; that in government is seen the radiant light of Bacon. All the leading names of past ages, are eloquent teachers of this truth. The most ennobling forms of thought, the accumulated wisdom of other times, like present time, illustrate the same lesson; and it is written in characters of light on every page, and on every great mind.

X

Exquisite powers, says an old and quaint writer, have their root in exquisite sensibility. Feeling, is a predominant quality with Mr. Burges. It is exhibited on almost every occasion; in the circle of friendship where are the most hallowed and cherished associations, and in his discourses and speeches. Whatever opinions he entertains, he feels an inward conviction of their valuable tendency. Hence, when at the Bar, the cause of a client was as precious to him as if it were his own. In the defence of a criminal, it seemed as if he were pleading that his own life might be prolonged, and that the penalties of law might visit some other head. On these occasions, his eloquence was irresistible; because it struck the fine chord of human passion. It was by this rare union of thought and feeling, that crowds assembled to hear; that the spirit of eloquence irradiated his legal arguments, communicating its influence to other

minds and other hearts.

By the operation of strong feelings, however, he is often betrayed into errors. In the contending triumph and defeat of parliamentary life, he utters sentiments which are the offspring of strong emotions, rather than calm reflection. When opinions are enforced, detrimental to the public weal, in the ardor of reply, his language may be too severe, and his feelings too vehement.

A

It is a remark of Burke, and he seems to have made it as referring indirectly to himself "that a vigorous mind is as necessarily accompanied with violent passions, as a great fire with great heat." Oracle as he was, neither past experience nor the constitution of human nature will admit its justice. vigorous mind, all will acknowledge, is often accompanied with violent passion; but it is not its necessary companion. On the contrary, such a mind is guarded by judgment, prudence, and collected action. Occasions and circumstances may arise, when passion vanquishes its silent, yet powerful operations. The fate of a great cause is often involved in the debate of an hour. A vigorous mind then, will necessarily be accompanied with violent passions; for, in the pending controversy, are life, liberty, and property. It is excitement, deep and impassioned feeling,