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and afterwards, is powerfully confirmed by the acquiescence of Great Britain, during the first most important and active period of the late war, in the free and unlimited prosecution by neutrals of the whole colony trade of France; she did, indeed, at last prohibit that trade by an instruction unprecedented in the annals of maritime depredation; but the revival of her discarded rule was characterized by such circumstances of iniquity and violence, as rather to heighten, by the effect of contrast, the veneration of mankind for the past justice of her tribunals.

The world has not forgotten the instruction to which we allude, or the enormities by which its true character was developed. Produced in mystery, at a moment when universal confidence in the integrity of her government had brought upon the ocean a prey of vast value and importance; sent abroad to the different naval stations, with such studied secrecy that it would almost seem to have been intended to make an experiment how far law and honour could be outraged by a nation proverbial for respecting both; the heralds, by whom it was first announced, were the commanders of her commissioned cruizers, who at the same instant carried it into effect with every circumstance of aggravation, if of such an act there can be an aggravation. Upon such conduct there was but one sentiment. It was condemned by reason and justice. It was condemned by that law which flows from and is founded upon them; it was condemned, and will for ever continue to be condemned, by the universal voice of the civilized world. Great Britain has made amends, with the good faith which belongs to her councils, for that act of injustice and oppression; and your memorialists have a strong confidence that the late departure from the usual course of her policy will be followed by a like disposition to atonement and reparation. The relations which subsist between Great Britain and the United States rest upon the basis of reciprocal interests, and your memorialists see in those interests, as well as in the justice of the British government and the firmness of our own, the best reasons to expect a satisfactory answer to their complaints, and a speedy abandonment of that system by which they have been lately harassed and alarmed.

Your memorialists will not trespass upon your time with a recital of the various acts by which our coasts, and even our ports and harbours, have been converted into scenes of violence and depredation; by which the security of our trade and property has been impaired; the rights of our territory invaded; the honour of our country humiliated and insulted; and our gallant countrymen oppressed and persecuted. They feel it to be unnecessary to ask that the force of the nation should be employed in repelling and chastizing the lawless freebooters who have dared to spread their ravages even beyond the seas which form the principal theatre of their piratical exertions, and to infest our shores with their irregular and ferocious hostility.

These are outrages which have pressed themselves in a peculiar manner upon the notice of our government, and cannot have failed to excite its indignation, and a correspondent disposition to prevent and redress them.

Such is the view which your memorialists have taken, in this anxious crisis of our public affairs, of subjects which appear to them, in an alarming degree, to affect their country and its commerce, and to involve high questions of national honour and interest, of public law and individual rights, which imperiously demand discussion and adjustment. They do not presume to point out the measures which these great subjects may be supposed to call for. The means of redress for the past and security for the future are respectfully, confidently submitted to your wisdom; but your memorialists cannot forbear to indulge a hope, which they would abandon with deep reluctance, that they may yet be found in amicable explanations with those who have ventured to inflict wrongs upon us, and to advance unjust pretensions to our prejudice.

Baltimore, Jan. 21, 1806.

No. III.

PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. MADISON.

Private.

Mr. PINKNEY to Mr. MADISON.

"LONDON, June 29th, 1808.

"DEAR SIR,--I had a long interview this morning with Mr. Canning, which has given me hopes that the object mentioned in your letter of the 30th of April,* (a duplicate by the packet, for the St. Michael has not yet arrived,) may be accomplished, if I should authorize the expectation which the same letter suggests.t Some days must elapse, however, before I can speak with any certainty on the subject. The St. Michael will probably have arrived before that time, and will furnish me with an opportunity of giving you not only the result but the details of what has passed and may yet occur. I beg you, in the mean time, to be assured that the most effectual care shall be taken to put nothing to hazard, and to avoid an improper commitment of our govern

ment.

"I was questioned on the affair of the Chesapeake. There seems to be a disposition here to consider the amende honorable as already made, in a great degree at least, by Mr. Rose's mission; but I am strongly inclined to think that it will not be difficult to induce them to renew their overture in the same manner, on terms more conformable with the views which you very justly take of

"The repeal of the Orders in Council.

The repeal of the Embargo.

this interesting subject. I was told (it was net said officially) that the persons taken out of the Chesapeake would be readily restored. The punishment of the officer (otherwise than by his recall, which has been done) will, perhaps, form the greatest embarrassment; but I will endeavour to ascertain informally what will be done on that and every other part of the case. My sole object will be, of course, to lead them, as occasion offers, (as far as in my power,) to do what they ought, in the way most for our honour. I can the more properly do this now, as Mr. Canning has himself proposed the subject to me as intimated above."

Mr. PINKNEY to Mr. MADISON.

Private. "BRIGHTON, July 10th, 1808. "DEAR SIR, I had the honour to write you ́a short letter, by Mr. Temple Bowdoin, dated, I think, on the 29th of last month, of which (not having it here) I cannot now send a duplicate. It stated that I had received by the British packet a duplicate of your despatch by the St. Michael--that I had just had an interview with Mr. Canning—and that there was reason to believe that the object mentioned in that despatch might be accomplished upon my authorizing the expectation which it suggests. It was arranged between Mr. Canning and myself that another interview should take place about this time, and that he should send me a private note to Brighton, (where I am come for a few weeks on account of my health,) appointing a day for that purpose. I have not yet received this note; but am confident I shall have it to-morrow or next day. I shall set out for London the moment it reaches me.

"I stated in the letter, abovementioned, that I was told by Mr. Canning (extra officially) that there would be no objection here to restore the men taken from the Chesapeake; and I suggested a hope that (except as to the punishment of Berkeley) there would not be much difficulty in inducing them to propose in a proper manner suitable reparation for that aggression. This matter I will endeavour to ascertain fully at our next meeting.

"I write this with the view of sending it by the packet. Newspapers have been and will be sent by other opportunities. They

are highly interesting with reference to Spain. I enclose a part of Cobbett's Register of last night, (the residue will go with the packets of newspapers,) containing the British order in council that hostilities shall cease with Spain, &c., and the prorogation speech."

Private.

Mr. PINKNEY to Mr. MADISON.

"August 17th, 1808.

"DEAR SIR,-I omitted to mention in my late letters that, at my second interview with Mr. Canning, he suggested incidentally that the late orders in council, or proclamation relative to Spain opened the ports of that country, not in the occupation of France, to a direct trade between those ports and the United States.

"As I had in view a complete revocation of the orders of January and November, 1807, and the orders founded upon them, I did not think it right to appear to attach any importance to this suggestion, very carelessly thrown out, by asking explanations; and I was the less inclined to do so, as I still adhered to my opinion that there could be no compromise with their present system.

"The same reasons (and others, indeed, with which it is not necessary to trouble you) prevented me, even after my last interview with Mr. Canning, from inviting any formal assurances on this point; but, as the real effect of the orders or proclamation of the 4th of July began to be doubted, and it might be desirable to have those doubts removed, I did not think it improper to en; courage an application on the subject to the Board of Trade by some merchants in the city.

"You will find a copy of their inquiries (less extensive than they ought too have been) and of the answers of the Board in the newspapers of yesterday, from which it appears,

"1. That American vessels may proceed from a port in the United States with a cargo the produce of the United States, or colonial produce if not of the enemies' colonies, direct to any port in Spain or Portugal not in the possession or under the control of the enemies of Great Britain, and return back to the

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