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pointed call for them, without giving umbrage to some, and opportunity for injurious inferences to others. The difficulty was increased by the connexion between them and other communications necessarily falling within the scope of the rule of compliance in such cases. Finally, there did not appear to be any thing in the conversations which could warrant British complaint of their disclosure, or widen the space between you and the British ministry.

"As it may not be amiss that you should know the sentiments which I had expressed to Dr. Logan, and which, though in answer to his letter written previous to the notification of his intended trip, he will, of course, carry with him, I enclose a copy of the answer.

"The file of newspapers from the Department of State, will give you the debates on the case of Jackson. I enclose, however, a speech I have just looked over in a pamphlet form. Although liable to very obvious criticisms of several sorts, it has presented a better analysis of some parts of the subject, than I have observed in any of the speeches."


"LONDON, 23d March, 1810.

"DEAR SIR,--I had intended to write to you a very tedious letter, but I have no longer time to do so--as it is now near 2 o'clock in the morning, and Lieut. Elliott leaves town at 10, A, M.

"My official letter of the 21st inst. will apprize you of the course finally taken by this government in consequence of Mr. Jackson's affair. I do not pretend to anticipate your judgment upon it. It certainly is not what I wished, and, at one time, expected; but I am persuaded that it is meant to be conciliatory. I have laboured earnestly to produce such a result as I believed would be more acceptable. Why I have failed I do not precisely know, and I will not harass you with conjectures. The result, such as it is, will I am sure be used in the wisest manner for the honour and prosperity of our country.

"It is doubtful whether there will be any change of administration here. Partial changes in administration are very likely.

"I think I can say with certainty that a more friendly disposition towards the United States exists in this country at present than for a long time past."



"WASHINGTON, May 23d, 1810.

DEAR SIR,-You will learn from the Department of State, as you must have anticipated, our surprize that the answer of Lord Wellesley to your very just and able view of the case of Jackson, corresponded so little with the impressions of that minister manifested in your first interviews with him. The date of the answer explains the change, as it shows that time was taken for obtaining intelligence from this country, and adapting the policy of the answer to the position taken by the advocates of Jackson. And it must have happened that the intelligence prevailing at that date was of the sort most likely to mislead. The elections. which have since taken place in the eastern states, and which have been materially influenced by the affair of Jackson and the spirit of party connected with it, are the strongest of proofs that the measure of the executive coincided with the feelings of the nation. In every point of view the answer is unworthy of the source from which it comes.

"From the manner in which the vacancy left by Jackson is provided for, it is inferred that a sacrifice is meant of the respect belonging to this government, either to the pride of the British government, or to the feelings of those who have taken side with it against their own. On either supposition, it is necessary to counteract the ignoble purpose. You will accordingly find that on ascertaining the substitution of a chargé to be an intentional degradation of the diplomatic intercourse on the part of Great Britain, it is deemed proper that no higher functionary should represent the United States at London. I sincerely wish, on every account, that the views of the British government in this instance, may not be such as are denoted by appearances, or that, on finding the tendency of them, they may be changed. However the fact may turn out, you will of course not lose sight of the expe

diency of mingling in every step you take, as much of moderation, and even of conciliation, as can be justifiable, and will, in particular, if the present despatches should find you in actual negociation, be governed by the result of it, in determining the question of your devolving your trust on a Secretary of Legation.

"The act of Congress, transmitted from the Department of State, will inform you of the footing on which our relations to the belligerent powers were finally placed. The experiment now to be made of a commerce with both, unrestricted by our laws, has resulted from causes which you will collect from the debates, and from your own reflections. The new form of appeal to the policy of Great Britain and France, on the subject of the decrees and orders, will most engage your attention. However feeble it may appear, it is possible that one or the other of those powers may allow it more effect than was produced by the overtures heretofore tried. As far as pride may have influenced the reception of these, it will be the less in the way, as the law in its present form may be regarded by each of the parties, if it so pleases, not as a coercion or a threat to itself, but as a promise of attack on the other. Great Britain indeed may conceive that she has now a complete interest in perpetuating the actual state of things, which gives her the full enjoyment of our trade, and enables her to cut it off with every other part of the world, at the same time that it increases the chance of such resentments in France at the inequality as may lead to hostilities with the United States. But, on the other hand, this very inequality, which France would confirm by a state of hostilities with the United States, may become a motive with her to turn the tables on Great Britain, by compelling her either to revoke her orders, or to lose the commerce of this country! An apprehension that France may take this politic course, would be a rational motive with the British government to get the start of her. Nor is this the only apprehension that merits attention. Among the inducements to the experiment of an unrestricted commerce now made were two, which contribu ted essentially to the majority of votes in its favour; first, a general hope, favoured by daily accounts from England, that an adjustment of differences there, and thence in France, would ren

der the measure safe and proper; second, a willingness in not a few to teach the advocates for an open trade under actual circumstances, the folly, as well as degradation of their policy. At the next meeting of Congress, it will be found, according to present appearances, that instead of an adjustment with either of the belligerents, there is an increased obstinacy in both, and that the inconveniences of the embargo and non-intercourse have been exchanged for the greater sacrifices as well as disgrace resulting from a submission to the predatory systems in force. It will not be wonderful therefore if the passive spirit which marked the late session of Congress, should at the next meeting be roused to the opposite point; more especially as the tone of the nation has never been as low as that of its representatives, and as it is rising already under the losses sustained by our commerce in the continental ports, and by the fall of prices in our produce at home, under a limitation of the market to Great Britain. Cotton I perceive is down at 10 or 11 cents in Georgia. The great mass of tobacco is in a similar situation: and the effect must soon be general, with the exception of a few articles which do not at present glut the British demand. Whether considerations like these will make any favourable impression on the British cabinet, you will be the first to know. Whatever confidence I may have in them, I must forget all that is past before I can indulge very favourable expectations. Every new occasion seems to countenance the belief that there lurks in the British cabinet a hostile feeling towards this country, which will never be eradicated during the present reign; nor overruled, whilst it exists, but by some dreadful pressure from external or internal causes.

"With respect to the French government, we are taught by experience to be equally distrustful. It will have, however, the same opportunity presented to it with the British government, of comparing the actual state of things with that which would be produced by a repeal of its decrees; and it is not easy to find any plausible motive to continue the former as preferable to the latter. A worse state of things than the actual one could not exist for France, unless her preference be for a state of war. If she be sincere, either in her late propositions for a chronological revocation of illegal edicts against neutrals, or to a pledge

from the United States not to submit to those of Great Britain, she ought at once to embrace the arrangement held out by Congress; the renewal of a non-intercourse with Great Britain, being the very species of resistance most analogous to her professed views.

"I propose to commit this to the care of Mr. Parish, who is about embarking at Philadelphia for England, and finding that I have missed a day in my computation of the opportunity, I must abruptly conclude with assurances of my great esteem and friendly respect."



"LONDON, August 13, 1810. "DEAR SIR, I return you my sincere thanks for your letter of the 23d of May. Nothing could have been more acceptable than the approbation which you are so good as to express of my note to Lord Wellesley on Jackson's affairs. I wish I had been more successful in my endeavours to obtain an unexceptionable answer to it. You need not be told that the actual reply was, to plan and terms, wide of the expectations which I had formed of it. It was unfortunately delayed until first views and feelings became weak of themselves. The support which Jackson received in America was admirably calculated to produce other views and feelings, not only by its direct influence on Lord Wellesley and his colleagues, but by the influence which they could not but know it had on the British nation and the Parliament. The extravagant conduct of France had the same pernicious tendency; and the appearances in Congress, with reference to our future attitude on the subject of the atrocious wrongs in-. flicted upon us by France and Englund, could scarcely be without their effect. It is not to be doubted that, with a strong desire in the outset to act a very conciliatory part, the British government was thus gradually prepared to introduce into the proceeding what would not otherwise have found a place in it, and to omit what it ought to have contained. The subject appeared to it every day in a new light, shed upon it from France and the United States, and a corresponding change naturally enough took

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