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ite doctrine of the court and its adherents, and of all that antineutral class to which Stephen and Marryatt belong, and indeed of the people in general. We shall probably hear no more of it, however; and I understood, indeed, last night, that there is a perceptible change in the tone of ministers and their friends on the whole subject. Whether they will act wisely in the end, I cannot yet say. The presumption is always against them.

“I have observed in my letter that the convenience of relaxing the orders in council by licenses "seems to be no longer enjoyThe object of all that part of my letter was merely to give a slight sketch (which I should have been glad to be at liberty to make much stronger) of that monopolizing and smuggling scheme which has so long insulted the world and tried our ›patience. The fact is, that they have not granted any licenses for several weeks. It is not, however, (as I am assured,) that they are ashamed of this mean practice, but because they hope, by abstaining from it for a time, to get better terms of intercourse in this way from their enemy. If their orders should not be immediately revoked, so as to prevent the revival of this trick of trade, a vigorous tone should be used with them and I shall be happy to be authorised to use it at discretion. Be assured they will not stand against a show of determined resistance to their injustice. But if they should, they must be resisted to the uttermost, nevertheless.

"There will, I am inclined to think, be a regency; but it is believed that the Prince will be greatly restricted at first. The restrictions will not last; yet if he should be obliged to continue the present ministers for any time, however short, (which it is imagined will be a part of the terms with which he will be shackled,) the mischiefs of their crooked and little policy towards the United States, supposing that they mean to brave the consequences of persevering in it, may become permanent and irretrievable.

"There has been, I believe, some juggling in the affair of a Minister Plenipotentiary. You will see in my letter to Mr. Smith of the 14th, an account of Lord W.'s late explanations to me on that head. I have omitted, however, to state in that letter that he inadvertently remarked, in the course of the confer

ence, that great pains had been taken by some people to persuade him "that the British interest in America (I quote his words) would be completely destroyed by sending thither at this time a Minister Plenipotentiary." He soon perceived, by my comments on this suggestion, that he had committed an indiscretion in talking of it, and he wished me, I thought, to consider what he had said as confidential. May we not infer that these persuasions have had an effect, when we look to the quality of his ostensible reasons for not redeeming his pledge of July last? Who the persuaders were he did not say-but Mr. Jackson (who, by the bye, cannot be very well satisfied with his reception here) may be supposed to be among the number, if he is not the only Whether this gentleman (if he has used such instances) quotes any American authorities in support of them can only be guessed. It would be no breach of charity to conjecture that he does. At any rate there must be some secret cause for the delay of the promised mission. Even the insolence of


added to the reason assigned in conference, will not explain it satisfactorily. There is cunning at the bottom; and I can imagine nothing so likely to throw a light upon it as the unguarded communication of Lord W. above mentioned.

N. IV.


If I were about to address this high tribunal with a view to establish a reputation as an advocate, I should feel no ordinary degree of resentment against the gentleman whom I am compelled to follow ;* if indeed it were possible to feel resentment against one who never fails to plant a strong and durable friendship in the hearts of all who know him. He has dealt with this great cause in a way so masterly, and has presented it before you with such a provoking fulness of illustration, that his unlucky colleague can scarcely set his foot upon a single spot of it without trespassing on some one of those arguments which, with an admirable profusion, I had almost said prodigality of learning, he has spread over the whole subject.. Time, however, which changes all things, and man more than any thing, no longer permits me to speak upon the impulse of ambition. It has left me only that of duty; better, perhaps, than the feverish impulse which it has supplanted; suffi

* Mr. Dallas..

cient, as I hope, to urge me, upon this and every other occasion, to maintain the cause of truth, by such exertions as may become a servant of the law in a forum like this. I shall be content, therefore, to travel after my learned friend, over a part of the track which he has at once smoothed and illuminated happy,' rather than displeased, that he has facilitated and justified the celerity with which I mean to traverse it-more happy still if I shall be able, as I pass along, to relieve the fatigue of your honours, the benevolent companions of my journey, by imparting something of freshness and novelty to the prospect around us. To this course, I am also reconciled by a pretty confident opinion, the result of general study as well as of particular meditation, that the discussion in which we are engaged has no claim to that air of intricacy which it has assumed; that, on the contrary, it turns upon a few very plain and familiar principles, which, if kept steadily in view, will guide us in safety, through the worse than Cretan labyrnth of topics and authorities that seem to embarrass it, to such a conclusion as it may be fit for this Court to sanction by its judgment.

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I shall in the outset dismiss from the cause whatever has been rather insinuated with a prudent delicacy, than openly and directly pressed by my able opponents, with reference to the personal situation of the claimant, and of those with whom he is united in blood and interest. I am willing to admit that a Christian judicature may

dare to feel for a desolate foreigner who stands before it, not for life or death indeed, but for the fortunes of himself and his house. I am ready to concede, that when a friendly and a friendless stranger sues for the restoration of his all to human justice, she may sometimes wish to lay aside a portion of her sternness, to take him by the hand, and, exchanging her character for that of mercy, to raise him up from an abyss of doubt and fear to a pinnacle of hope and joy. In such circumstances, a temperate and guarded, sympathy may not unfrequently be virtue. But this is the last place upon earth in which it can be necessary to state, that, if it be yielded to as a motive of decision, it ceases to be virtue, and becomes something infinitely worse than weakness. What may be the real value of Mr. Pinto's claim to our sympathy, it is impossible for us to be certain that we know; but thus much we are sure we know, that whatever may be its value in fact, in the balance of the law it is lighter than a feather shaken from a linnet's wing, lighter than the down that floats upon the breeze of summer. I throw into the opposite scale the ponderous claim of WAR ; a claim of high concernment, not to us only, but to the world; a claim connected with the maritime strength of this maritime state, with public honour and individual enterprise, with all those passions and motives which can be made subservient to national success and glory in the hour of national trial and danger. I throw into the same scale

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