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stances under which I last came abroad would at least secure me from the suspicion of selfish views and time-serving policy; and I am, of course, surprised that a man can be found to infer, from my acceptance of the arduous trust, in which I am now engaged, 'that I have deserted my principles and my friends, and pledged 'myself to support the party in power and their measures to 'every extent.' What principles, in God's name, and what friends have I deserted? The plain matter of fact is thus: A great national crisis occurs, which requires, or is supposed to require, an extraordinary foreign mission. The President, whom I might be said to know only by character, offers this important charge to me. I give up my profession. I surrender all my hopes of future fortune. I forego a second time, and for ever, the expectation of placing my numerous and helpless family in a state of independence, and accept this anxious trust, which, instead of promising pecuniary emolument, is likely to bring with it a heavy pecuniary loss, and which, so far from promising to do me honour, puts in hazard the stock of reputation I have before acquired. Now what abandonment of principle is there in all this? I am willing to admit that I may have acted improvidently, as regards myself and my children, and that I may have overrated my capacity, and undertaken a task to which I am not competent. But I am quite sure that I have not deviated from that path of honour in which, with an approving conscience, I have walked from my boyish days. My appointment is known to have been as completely unsolicited as ever appointment was from the beginning of the world. It came to me wholly unsought. It is to the credit of the government that it did so. It came to me unclogged by any terms or conditions. They who talk of a pledge on my part, as the consideration of it, know that they insinuate a base and detestable falsehood. No such pledge, no pledge of any kind, was ever proposed to me. I was treated with honour, and delicacy, and confidence ; and I have a firm reliance that I shall continue to be so treated. An attempt to treat me otherwise would drive me in a moment from office, as it would have prevented me from accepting it. As to this pledge, the slander is too gross to be believed. I have an intimate persuasion, founded upon a consciousness

which I cannot mistake, of integrity without blemish, that no man would undertake to suggest to me so vile and infamous a compact as the price of public station. The acceptance of my appointment may, indeed, imply a pledge; and I am content that it shall be taken to be as large as honour will permit. In its utmost size, whatever that may be, I will faithfully redeem it, and should be ashamed to have it supposed that I could shrink from a duty so pressing and obvious. The foolish, and often hypocritical cant about apostacy and desertion of principles, shall not frighten me from the steady and manly course to which this duty directs me. I have never professed any principles with which my present situation, connected as it unquestionably is with the great interests of my country, is in the slightest degree inconsistent. I find nothing in the objects of it, in the means by which I am instructed to accomplish those objects, or in the measures of the government preparatory to the mission, which I do not entirely approve, and have not uniformly approved.

"As to the friends I have deserted, who are they? I accepted my appointment, as far as I could ascertain, with the entire concurrence of my friends of all parties; and I rejoice that I have friends of all parties. It was that flattering concurrence which encouraged me to hope that the anxiety inseparable from my undertaking would not be aggravated by unjust and unfeeling prejudices, and that I should have no difficulties to struggle with, but such as I should find here. The affection of many of my friends induced them to express their fears that, as an individual, I should suffer by the mission. But they did not conceal their approbation of my appointment, and did not intimate that any but prudential considerations ought to restrain me from accepting it. I have since been frequently consoled by the recollection of this, the most interesting period of my life.

"I beg your pardon for all this egotism. But your letter has affected me, and I have obeyed the impulse of my feelings, considering myself as writing to you only, and that my letter will not. be seen by many others.

"Upon the idle or malicious observations at Philadelphia and New-York, (the source of which I will not at present give myself the trouble to conjecture,) I have no remark to make. I

thank you sincerely for placing that subject in its true light. I will only say that I am not Mr. Chase's enemy, although in return for unwearied services and a zealous attachment of more than twenty years, during which no discouragements could drive me from him, he has lately been induced to act as if he were mine. Ingratitude is a harsh word, and they who have ventured to apply it to me, should first have been sure of their facts. They will, I presume, take care not to force such observations too much upon my notice.

"Your fears upon the subject of the non-importation act of Congress are unfounded. It has, at no time, produced any bad effect here. It was. undoubtedly, a wise and salutary law. Such was my opinion of it at the time, and the event has proved that opinion to be just. Mr. Fox's illness and death have retarded us, but the prospect is good, nevertheless. Whether the country is likely to be satisfied by the result of our labours, must depend upon the nature and extent of their expectations. The state of Europe and the world has a title to be considered.

“ Lord Howick (Mr. Gray) is now at the head of the Foreign Department; but Lords Holland and Auckland will go on with us, and it is hoped that we shall soon bring the negociation to a conclusion. Lord Auckland is, however, absent from town for a few days, and Lord Holland is prevented from meeting us until after his uncle's funeral. The subjects are all difficult and delicate. The commercial subject is undoubtedly so, but not on account of any intricacy belonging to it.

"I have been received here in a very flattering manner, and the best dispositions have been and continue to be manifested towards the mission, and our country and government. You will perceive by the newspapers that Captain Whitby is returned in the Leander, and is to be tried by a court martial. The continent has resumed its warlike attitude-but I will not fatigue you with news which will probably be stale before my letter reaches you. The British conquest of Buenos Ayres is an important event. It cannot be favourable to us, however. The intercourse with it will be regulated by the old principle of monopoly, and Great Britain will hold fast upon it if she can. It is even probable that (although Sir H. Popham is said to have undertaken the expedition without proper authority) an extension of this conquest, to

gether with other enterprises against Spanish America, will be attempted. The conquest is an extremely popular one. The treasure brought home in the Narcissus, and the immense exportations of British goods to Buenos Ayres which have followed the knowledge of its surrender to the British arms, have had a wonderful effect.

"Lord Lauderdale is still at Paris, although Buonaparte and Talleyrand, and even Clarke (who with Champagny negociated with him) have left it! The situation of the continent is more doubtful than at any former period. Another crisis so near to the last, and of a character so decisive, was hardly to be expected. If Prussia ventures to measure swords with France, (and it seems now to be certain that she must,) Russia will assist her; but Prussia, with Saxony and Hesse, must stand the first onset, which promises to be terrible. Austria cannot long be an idle spectator, and she is well prepared to act with effect. Her forces are recruited, and their discipline improved. Sweden will aid the power that was so late her enemy. The magnanimous king of that gallant nation has a spirit far beyond his means. Great Britain and Prussia seem to be restored to a good understanding. The blockade, which arose out of the subserviency of Prussia to the views of France, has been raised. Jacobi is on his return to this country, and Lord Morpeth talked of here for a mission to Berlin. The most perplexing circumstance in the present picture of the continent, is the stay of Lord Lauderdale at Paris. Upon what basis can G. B. negociate with France in the present conjuncture of affairs? The uti possidetis (with the restoration of Hanover to its lawful sovereign) sounds well; but a separate peace with France upon any terms, at a moment when the continent may be said to be in its last agonies, and taking courage from despair, is about to make its last effort for life ard independence, would be a strange spectacle. I have no belief that it is possible. I have been incredulous from the first.

"I have been restrained from writing to my friends generally since my arrival here, by the consideration that I could not write freely, and that the appearance of reserve in letters not invited by them, would be worse than absolute silence. I hope soon to hear from several of them, and will then write. I cherish an

affectionate remembrance of Baltimore, which nothing can ever impair."

I have thought proper to insert the following extracts from various communications which passed between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney, during their joint negociation, as illustrative of peculiar traits of character, and throwing occasional light upon some of the passages of the times, and also showing the mutual confidence and friendly feelings which subsisted between these eminent persons.*

From Mr. PINKNEY to Mr. MONROE.

"MY DEAR SIR,-General Lyman has met with a Captain Warrington, of the Patty (of Philadelphia,) who in his voyage from Philadelphia to Amsterdam, was spoken by the Leander, and had conversations with Captain Whitby, and a Lieutenant on board the Leander. The Lieutenant admitted distinctly that the Leander was not more than two miles from the shore at the time of the shot which resulted in Pierce's death-and that the shallop was about a mile nearer the shore than the Leander; but he appears to have declared further, that the shot was not intended for the shallop.

"General Lyman is desirous to know whether the deposition of this captain might not be useful. As this subject is entirely yours, I would not undertake to determine or give any directions upon it; but at General Lyman's request write this note.

He

* Mr. Monroe has had the goodness to furnish the editor with an explanation of such parts of these papers as could not be made intelligible by a mere reference to the printed collection of State Papers.

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