ever come again to the world. We thought that there would be no need of war, for now the world had agreed on the laws which it must obey, and had a plan for a Court of Arbitration, where all nations could settle their disputes by these laws.

W

XXVIII

E were right in thinking there was no need for war. But we were wrong in thinking war would not come. There was no need for war if no nation wanted war, but there was a chance for war if any nation wanted it.

A court would not be of much use in your town if there were no police. Suppose the judge decided that John Brown had stolen George White's money, and should pay it back, and John Brown simply said, "I will not." Who would make him?

With every court of justice there must be a way to make people obey its decisions. The Court of Arbitration had no police, and so it could not force any nation to come to it for decision or to obey if it came. Only a great big World-Police of armies and navies could have made the Court of Arbitration able to prevent war.

And one nation — - that is, one nation's Government-wanted war. So war came. In 1914 an excuse was found, just as the autocracies have always found excuses. A member of the Austrian royal family was murdered in Serbia. Few people in the outside world knew much about the man who was killed. He had never been important to other people. But his death became the match that set all Europe on fire. It was the "excuse." Then something like this happened:

Austria said to Serbia, "You must pay for this by humbling yourself to us like a slave.'

Serbia said, "We will do what is right, but you ask too much."

Austria said, "Then we will make war on you." Russia said, "If you make war on my friend Serbia, I will make war on you.

Germany said, "Austria and Germany are one. I

will make war on any one who supports Serbia against Austria."

France said, "I am Russia's ally. If you make war on Russia, I will fight.”

Germany said, "Then I will fight France and I will go through Belgium to get at her."

England said, "If you violate Belgium, I will fight too."

Turkey and Bulgaria joined with Germany, and later, Italy and Roumania joined the friends of France. We call Germany, Austria, and Turkey the Central Powers. England, France, and their friends, we call the Entente Allies.

So in a few weeks the greatest war in all history was being fought.

It was all so fast and strange that people in America did not know what to think. We felt as if we were at the theater, looking at a strange play, and soon we should go out of doors and see the peaceful stars, and know it had all been make-believe.

From the very first moment each of the warring countries began to tell the world, in the public speeches of its representatives, that the others had begun the war. Each country said, "I was attacked. I am only defending myself." Each country said,

too, that the enemy had long planned and wanted

war.

The people of the United States did not know what to think. We knew that most of the other wars in Europe had been the fault of both sides, and that the causes were hidden from the public. We thought, perhaps this war also was the fault of both sides, and that the hidden causes would soon be uncovered and would show the truth.

But one thing we could all see without waiting. One thing was clear. We might not know which country planned the war, but we did know what each country did in the war. From the first hour one country did things against International Law and against its agreements. That country was Germany.

Belgium, the small, rich, busy country between northern France and Germany, was a neutral country. Germany had made a solemn treaty to respect Belgium's neutrality in case of war with France.

But Germany broke her solemn promise. Across Belgium was an easy way to Paris; it was an easy way because France had trusted the word of Germany and had built no forts on that border. Germany took the easy way. In spite of her solemn treaty, she marched her millions of men, her guns, her horses,