maintenance of which is as desirable for the prosperity as for the reciprocal security of the two States.

"I have reason to hope that the affairs of La Plata will, before long, be adjusted conformably to the views adopted by my Government, in concert with that of the Queen of Great Britain, for the re-establishment of the security of our commercial relations in those countries.

"I have concluded with the Emperor of Russia a Treaty of Navigation, which guarantees to us, by a just reciprocity in our maritime relations with that Empire, advantages which it was important to us to preserve.

"An unexpected event has impaired the state of affairs founded in Europe by the last Treaty of Vienna. The republic of Cracow, an in lependent and neutral state, has been incorporated with the empire of Austria. I have protested against this infraction of the Treaties.

"At home the constant progress of the public revenue, despite of causes which might have checked it, demonstrates that the activity and resources of the country continue to increase. The finance laws, and various other laws relalative to important improvements in the legislation and administration of the kingdom, will be submitted to your deliberation.

"The great public works which we have undertaken shall be completed with the perseverance which the interests of the country command, and with the prudence indispensable to the maintenance of public credit.

"You will also have to direct your attention to measures calculated to second in our African pos

session the progress of colonization and its internal prosperity. Tranquillity, so happily restored in Algiera by the valour and devotedness of our army, permits us to examine maturely that important question, respecting which a special Bill shall be presented to you.

"Gentlemen, a common feeling animates us. You are all, like me and my family, devoted to the happiness and grandeur of our country; and already long experience has enlightened us as to the policy best suited to her interests, both moral and material, and which must secure its present prosperity and the future pacific and regular development of its destinies. I expect with confidence, from your patriotism and wisdom, the cooperation necessary to the accomplishment of this great task. Let us assist each other in supporting the burden, and France will reap the fruit of our efforts."

On the 18th of January, in the Chamber of Peers, M. Barthé read an Address in answer to the Speech of the Throne, which was merely an echo of it, and the discussion then commenced.

M. C. Dupin, the first speaker, began by admitting that the relations of France with Foreign Powers had been greatly impaired since last session. He was a stanch partisan of the English alliance. He admired the English nation for its discoveries in the sciences and arts; he beheld its power, wealth, and glory without any feeling of envy, and was disposed to make many sacrifices to secure the maintenance of that union for the sake of mankind and civilization. But he did not find that England was actuated by the same spirit of reciprocity, particularly on the question of the Spanish marriage, when

she complained of the pretended violation of a Treaty which had long since ceased to be in vigour. He could not conceive the strange persistency with which the English Cabinet had opposed, ever since September last, the realization of an event which was not to be attended with immediate consequences. He had long combated the Cabinet, and he did not fear to be charged with inconsistency when he declared, after reading the documents communicated to the Legislature, that the English despatches were a tissue of imperturbable frivolity, whilst those of the French Government were dignified and full of sound reasoning from beginning to end. M. Dupin next contended that the long wars and revolutions which had agitated Europe had long since annihilated the Treaty of Utrecht, which had not even been referred to in the conventions of Vienna. If it still existed, then parties would be similarly entitled to demand the dismantling of Dunkirk, which was formally stipulated in that Treaty. England, in the case of Belgium, had not shown herself so ardent a defender of recent and solemn treaties when she aided France in separating that country from Holland, with which it had been inseparably incorporated by the conventions of 1814. M. Dupin next examined the conduct of the Cabinet in reference to Cracow, to which he gave his entire approbation. He regarded the protest of M. Guizot as a wise and proper measure, and thanked him for placing in the King's mouth a formal denunciation of the violalation of the Treaties.

M. Villiers du Terray next read a manuscript speech on the internal situation of France, and par

ticularly insisted on the revision of her municipal laws.

The general discussion was here closed, when the debate opened on the first paragraph of the Address.

M. Flavigny said that the Cabinet had acted wisely in not prohibiting the exportation of grain, but he regretted that the Minister of Commerce, whose scruples he respected, had not considered himself justified in permitting the free importation of grain during the re

cess.

M. Dubouchage, who followed, denounced the inefficiency of the measures adopted by the Ministry to prevent the disturbances occasioned by the scarcity of provisions in the different points of France. The Government was to blame for its improvidence, and, if the National Guard existed all over the country, as the law required, the free transport of grain would not now be interrupted in eighteen departments.

M. Duchatel, the Minister of the Interior, replied that every measure calculated to protect the liberty of trade, and the security of persons and property, had been adopted. The Government had not thought proper to enact by ordinance the free importation of grain, in violation of the formal text of the law, because it regarded the measure as unnecessary and inopportune. Had Ministers considered it expedient, they would not have hesitated to submit it to the approbation of the King. Besides, if the prohibition had been raised during the recess, it would have alarmed the population, and been attended with fatal consequences.

The Marquis de Boissy condemned the parsimony of the Government in granting only 1,000,000f.

to the six departments ravaged by the inundations of the Loire. 20,000,000f. should have been applied to the relief of the victims, and nobody would have found the sum too large. In the course of his speech, having complained of an alleged insult offered to the corps of artillery at the reception at the Tuileries, on the 1st instant, and blamed the appointment of Princes of the Royal family to the command of certain armes, the Chamber interrupted him by loud murmurs, and the President admonished him to return to the question.

M. Barthé (the reporter of the Address) stated, in reply, that 1,000,000f. had been distributed among the victims of the inundations, but that eleven other millions were allocated to repair the dis

asters.

M. de Boissy, the Minister of War and the Interior, and M. Barthelemy afterwards took part in the discussion, and the first paragraph was carried.

The second paragraph, relative to the foreign relations of France, was next read; when the Prince de la Moskowa rose, and observed that the Chamber could not concur in the firm confidence expressed by the King's Speech that the peace of the world was assured. The manifestation of a mere hope would be more opportune in the present circumstances, and more in accordance with truth and the evidence of facts.

M. Barthé said that it was intentionally the Commission had repeated the words of the Speech, because it would not impair that confidence. The Committee had satisfied itself that the conduct of the Government, in the question of the marriages and Cracow, had

been dignified and pacific, and it was for that reason it had given the expressions used in the Royal Speech its entire adhesion.

The Marquis de Boissy then proceeded to examine the state of Europe, and the position of France with regard to the four great Powers, but the Chamber paid but little attention to his remarks. After a short time he complained that he was not attended to, and demanded the appel nominal,

The Prince de la Moskowa here rose and said, that as the Minister of Foreign Affairs did not seem inclined to give the explanations which he had hoped to draw forth by this (the Prince de la Moskowa's) announcement of an amendment, he would now renounce his intention.

The Marquis de Boissy again insisted on the appel nominal, and the debate was adjourned.

The next day the discussion commenced on the following paragraph of the Address :—

"The marriage of your beloved son the Duc de Montpensier with your beloved niece the Infanta of Spain, Luisa Fernanda, has added to the satisfaction and consolation which Providence has granted you in your august family. Hailed with joy by two independent and friendly nations, that alliance will contribute to maintain between France and Spain those amicable and intimate relations conformable to the traditions of both States, and so desirable for their mutual prosperity and security."

M. Pelet de la Lozère, after protesting his anxious desire to add to the satisfaction and consolation of the King in his august family, said he nevertheless could not help blaming the conduct of the Ministry throughout the negotiation of

the Spanish marriages. In the documents submitted to the Chambers, he had not been able to trace a single obligation on the part of England to accept a Bourbon candidate. The French Cabinet had renounced presenting a son of the King of the French, and Lord Aberdeen had not agreed that the husband of the Queen should be exclusively chosen from the House of Bourbon. Lord Aberdeen never urged, it is true, any objection against the proposal of seeking among the descendants of Philip V. for a husband for the Queen; but, in all his despatches, he constantly stated that, if a member of the House of Bourbon could not be safely chosen consistently with the happiness of the Queen, or with a due regard to the tranquillity of Spain, the Government of Madrid, in the exercise of their independent judgment, should act in such a manner as might be dictated by a sense of their own dignity and interest, and, in this case, it could be no cause of displeasure to Great Britain if they were to select a Prince from some other family. M. Pelet de la Lozère contended that Lord Aberdeen had consequently made no engagement at Eu, and that the French Government was not justified in considering itself relieved therefrom when Lord Palmerston included the Prince of Coburg amongst the candidates for the Queen's hand.

The Duc de Broglie next rose, and, after disclaiming all intention on the part of his country to exercise any undue influence over Spain -such as that possessed by England in Portugal-declared that it had been perfectly legitimate, necessary, and conformable to sound policy, to prevent a foreign influence from establishing itself so

He was

near the French frontier. Minister of Foreign Affairs at the death of Ferdinand VII., and it was he who proposed the recognition of Queen Isabella, and recommended the resumption of the policy that had since been pursued towards Spain, and which had originated with Cardinal Mazarin. It was the interest of France to secure the amity of Spain. In her present situation, the latter could only communicate with the continent through France. If a hostile influence prevailed in the country, Madrid would soon become the centre of intrigues and attacks against France. Any Government jealous of the latter would materially create embarrassments for her beyond the Pyrenees, in order to divide her forces and weaken her power. The establishment of a Prince of the House of Bourbon on the throne of Spain by the Treaty of Utrecht had ever been regarded by England as a severe check sustained by her policy. France could not, consistently with her security, consent to the accession of a prince closely allied to the Queen of England, for London, Madrid, and Lisbon would have been brought into such close connection, that the entire influence over the Peninsula would have been monopolized by Great Britain. France was, of course, deeply interested in counteracting such an alliance. Since 1841 many marriage projects had been suggested and abandoned. Princes of the Houses of Naples and Lucca were successively proposed and abandoned, and ultimately only two candidates were left in the field; and it became obvious that the affair should terminate either by a rupture between France and Spain, or a compromise. This last alter