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H. OF R.]

The Public Deposites.

[MARCH 12, 1834.

with the public deposites, without the manifestation of of his situation. [Mr. E. being Chairman of the Commitan extraordinary excitement. This course was most cer- tee on Indian Affairs.] tainly to be regretted.

Mr. HARDIN, of Kentucky, said that he did not know In order to ascertain the propriety of adopting the mo- whether he had heard the gentleman from Tennessee tion presented by the Chairman of the Committee of Ways correctly, but understanding him to have moved a postand Means, we should inquire, in the first place, (said ponement, for the want of important documents; and, Mr. H.,) what were the subjects referred to that commit- understanding him further to say, that he should move tee. It will be found, that not only the report of the that this subject should be the standing order for every Secretary of the Treasury was committed to that commit-day, and that the previous question should not be called tee, but also various memorials, touching the bank and till every gentleman should have had an opportunity of the deposites, were also referred. Many of the me- being heard; and thinking that the gentleman's propomorials called for a recharter of the Bank of the United sitions were fair, he should accede to them; and, with the States; others petitioned for a restoration of the public understanding he had now expressed, he should vote for deposites to that institution. What has been the report the postponement. of the committee in relation to these subjects? The com- Mr. MCKENNAN said, that he intended, before he sat mittee have recommended the adoption of a resolution, down, to offer an amendment to the resolution of the gen that it is inexpedient to recharter the Bank of the United tleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] the purpose of States. They have assigned their reasons for this. The which would be to postpone to a later period than he committee have also recommended the adoption of a res- proposed, the consideration of the report of the Commit olution, that it is inexpedient to restore the deposites to tee of Ways and Means, and begged briefly to state his the Bank of the United States. They have stated in the reasons. In the first place, he said, there were important body of their report the consideration which induced bills, of great interest to the country, which ought to be them to present this last resolution. And it must occur to acted on before the debate on the agitating question, every member of this House that the power of the Sec- which must necessarily be a protracted one, should be retary of the Treasury over the public deposites has been questioned and denied; and, in relation to that point, the committee have, at great labor, collected, prepared, and arranged a body of documents fully sustaining the power of the Secretary. They have considered this as of the utmost importance, and they think that the documentary history appended to the report will clearly show that this same power has been exercised by the head of the Treasury Department, from the foundation of the Goverament to the present time.

commended. A few of those bills he would call to the attention of the House. They would recollect the bill emanating from the Committee on Revolutionary Claims, the discussion of which had been commenced, and the final passage of which was so necessary for the speedy adjustment of many just claims, the payment of which has already been too long deferred.

Again, there was the army appropriation bill, upon which the House had yesterday gone into Committee of the Whole, and made some progress, but had not passed it. It was of essential importance that it should be acted on finally, without any delay.

And now, sir, what is the motion of the gentleman from Tennessee? It is that the further consideration of this subject should be postponed until Tuesday next; and But there was another of deep interest to his constituwhy? Because, sir, the report thus prepared, with the ents, the bill for the continuance and repair of the Cum documents, have not been published and placed upon the berland road. That part of it which lies east of the tables of the members; that no opportunity has been Ohio is in a most miserable condition, and a regard to its given to examine that report. His honorable friend has situation, as well as to economy in the expenditure of the not asked for the postponement for his own accommoda- funds which may be appropriated, demands speedy ac tion, or for the accommodation of the other members of tion. The time for working upon the road has now arthe Committee of Ways and Means, but, with reference to rived; and if it is intended to do any good during this the report, the motion has been made in justice to season, the appropriation ought to be immediately made. himself, and in justice to the other members of that com- From the manner in which legislation is conducted in this mittee. This is due to them, and it is due to the House. House, every member must be satisfied that it will be The grounds taken by the committee have been dis- impossible to pass those, and other important bills, before tinctly presented in their report. They think that the next Tuesday; and if they are postponed till after the members of this House should have an opportunity fully discussion on this all-engrossing topic is commenced, who to examine and well to consider those grounds, before can tell when they will be again reached? But, said he, the debate should commence. It is no more than an Mr. Speaker, there is another reason why the considera act of justice to them. No fault can be imputed to the tion of this subject ought to be longer postponed, which, committee. They cannot be answerable for the delay to my mind, is all-important and controlling. We require, which has taken place in the printing of their report sir, a full expression of the views, feelings, and wishes of with the accompanying documents. On every consider- the people, and not yet has sufficient time elapsed to ation, therefore, it does seem to me that the motion enable us to hear from the whole country. Before the should be adopted, and the consideration of the subject subject is brought to a decision, I would be glad to afford postponed. the whole people an opportunity of pouring into the cars

Mr. EVERETT, of Vermont, said that when he came of their representatives their distresses and complaints; to the House he was aware that this question would be for it is manifest that it is to them, and them only, they the order of the day; and if the Chairman of the Commit-are to look for a remedy of the evils which are pressing mittee of Ways and Means had not made the motion for upon them. It is well known that it is idle to apply to postponement, he should himself have moved it. He the Executive for relief. He has closed his ear against was obliged to the gentleman from Tennessee for having those complaints. His mind is made up; and there is no done so. He trusted the report would receive a full dis- concealment of his views. He is obstinately fixed; and cussion. The object of postponement was not to prevent, there can be no hope of moving him from his purpose, but rather to aid and facilitate it. Besides, it was due as although desolation should sweep over the land. These a matter of courtesy to the chairman of any one of the who have wormed themselves into the confidence of the standing committees of the House, on his mere request, Executive, and obtained his ear, have made him believe to postpone a subject, particularly referred to him, for a that, in wringing the very hearts of the people, he is short time. Mr. E. said he had not yet even read the re- "subserving the cause of morality and the country;" and port; his time had been fully occupied with other duties no expectation can be entertained that he will recede.

MARCH 12, 1834.]

The Public Deposites.

[H. OF R.

To this House, then, only, are the people to look for a he had said that gentleman had been indulged with libredress of their grievances, and for the adoption of such erty to speak about the President. Now, he wanted to measures as will save millions from bankruptcy and ruin; know if it was held to be an indulgence that representaand I hope, sir, that a voice will come from the val- tives on that floor should speak with freedom of the first leys and the mountains of the country, which will not be Executive officer of the Government. He should cerdisregarded. And to afford the people an opportunity of tainly endeavor, in speaking of that officer, to keep being fully heard, as well as with a view of obtaining ac- himself within the bounds of civility, though he might tion upon the important bills to which reference has been sometimes make use of the word tyrant. But when he made, I move to amend the motion of the gentleman heard the President say to the delegations who addressed from Tennessee, by inserting Tuesday week instead of him, "go home and go to work; I am accustomed to next Tuesday. govern; I shall take care of my glory, and my GovernMr. BURGES rose to explain. The whole object he ment, and my people," (meaning all of us here, and our had in view was to put the question into such a shape constituents,) I think it is time to tell the people that as it ought to bear, before the House should enter on the there is something more in the country than a President. debate. The great question before them was on the I think we might be indulged with some little freedom of reasons submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury for speech, when we are ruined and ground down under the removing the public deposites. That was the first ques-measures of the President and his counsellors. Nay, sir, tion. Were those reasons sufficient or not sufficient? I think we ought to be permitted to call him a tyrant, if Gentlemen could not escape the question-they could not we think him so, without asking leave. He is certainly wink it out of sight. It was not the question whether denounced as such by millions who once admired him; the bank should be rechartered. That question was not yet the gentleman considers it as an indulgence. No before the House. He said his own wish was, to move a doubt, the gentleman is far more courteous than I, and recommitment of the Secretary's letter, with instructions he may have other reasons, besides, for not using this to the committee to report that the reasons were insuffi- indulgence; but I am not used to being restrained from cient. That would bring the question fairly up, and saying or doing what shall be for the advantage of my every gentleman must vote directly. If it should be an- constituents. nounced that the reasons were sufficient, then ulterior Mr. BYNUM, of North Carolina, said he was disapmeasures would have to be adopted. But if the reasons pointed in observing that the proposition of the chairman should he pronounced insufficient, the sound would of the committee was not met by gentlemen in that conreach, as in a moment, to the utmost bounds of the coun- ciliatory spirit which, from the remarks especially of try, and it must be followed by a restoration of the de- the gentlemen from Kentucky, [Mr. CHILTON,] he had deposites. For this reason he was opposed to any post- been led to expect. He had pleased himself with the ponement. There was another reason, which came as hope that there were some symptoms of such a spirit near to him as even the welfare of his constituents-it beginning to manifest themselves. The question was of had relation to some members of the House. Mr. B. such intrinsic importance, that it stood in no need of the said he would do much to stand well in the opinion of aid of declamation. The House needed every particle of a gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BAYLIES,] who light that could be thrown upon it. They should ap seemed to have understood him as accusing that gentle-proach it divested of every thing like party feeling. The man of wishing for delay. God forbid that he should consequences to flow from its decision were too momenutter such a sentiment. He only meant to entreat that tous for the indulgence of any such feelings. They the discussion might not be delayed. All that he did, ought to approach the subject as members of the same there and elsewhere, he did directly; and if he had in- family. As to designs of tyranny, if any such existed in the tended so to accuse the gentleman, Heaven knew that country, he trusted we had patriots enough also in the he should have said so expressly. His fault was to say country to strangle it in its very cradle. But if gentlemore than be meant, rather than less. He had had no men would thus cry wolf! wolf! when there was no intention to wrong that gentleman's feelings. The gen- wolf, he hoped that the people, the honest yeomanry of tleman had told the House, and he had told them with the country, would brand those who raised such false that voice and countenance which was always the index cries as deceivers. He stood there representing a por of truth, that he had voted against the previous question of the freemen of this land, and responsible for intion. The previous question, however, had been carried, terests which might be affected by his action there. If and Mr. B. had been voted off the floor very uncourte- there were any facts not now in possession of the House, ously. He had been at that time the only representative but which would shed light upon the subject of their from Rhode Island, and his friends wished to hear from deliberations, he called for them to be laid before it. He wished to examine them for himself. He could not take The reasons advanced in favor of postponement seemed the contents of important documents upon trust; neither to him wholly without force-nay, almost absurd. He on the representations of the honorable gentleman from wanted to have the question put, when every man might Georgia, [Mr. WILDE,] nor of any other gentleman. It speak upon it freely. He now found, however, from had been said that the report was before them. what had dropped from the gentlemn from Tennessee, nied it; the report, in all its parts, was not before them; that the report was not to go to the Committee of the yet they were called to vote upon it-to vote upon Whole, but was to be retained in the House, where the what they had not examined. He should not take an ex xe might at any moment fall and cut short the discussion. parle statement, nor a partial and imperfect report. GenAnd now they had held up certain rules and orders to tlemen had seized the opportunity afforded by the preuse the people, by giving out that the House would sent motion of the chairman of the Committee of Ways do nothing else but attend to this subject, from Monday and Means, to cry "oppression! tyranny! despotism!" morning till Saturday night. But what was this? It was but all this was well understood-it all went on a presumpno more like relief than the ashes that filled the apples of tion of the ignorance of the people; but gentlemen Sodom were to sound and wholesome fruit. The gentle would find themselves mistaken. Did the people of the man from Massachusetts, [Mr. BAYLIES,] however, wished United States believe Andrew Jackson to be a tyrant, a that the discussion should be put off, and, as he well knew that that gentleman had none but honest reasons, he should yield his assent to it.

him.

As to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. MILLER,]

He de

usurper, or that they were themselves in distress? No: they believed no such thing. They would take no man's word in such matters. They would judge for themselves. If they had taken gentlemen's words up the subject,

H. OF R.]

The Public Deposites.

[MARCH 12, 1834

the President would have been executed long ago. He glad to avail himself of all the light which that gentleman's never would, at this day, have been found in the "White illuminated mind never failed to throw around it. He was Palace," as it was in derision called. The people fully anxious to avail himself of every resource, and hailed understood the game. They knew it was all for effect; every new light he could obtain-always excepting a blue and, in due time, some of those gentlemen who were here light. forever crying "wolf! wolf!" would be dealt with accordingly.

[The CHAIR here called Mr. BYNUM to order.] Mr. B. then concluded by saying that, if facts necessary to their deliberations were not before them, he would wait till they were, and would not act without them, if he should wait a month.

Mr. McDUFFIE said, he rose merely to state that he hoped the time of the House would not be consumed in collateral debate. He was anxious that the main question should be discussed. It was time to act. One of the members of the Committee of Ways and Means [Mr. WILDE] was ready now to address the House. Let the House hear him. And if no other gentleman was ready to follow, then let the subject be postponed as proposed. The report of the committee, and the attitude in which it placed the whole subject, was better calculated to increase the distress which prevailed than any other thing would be. If, however, the chairman of the committee insisted on pressing his motion, common courtesy would require that it should not be refused.

Mr. BURD, of Pennsylvania, thanked the gentleman from Tennessee for having moved the postponement. He had risen not to examine the report-he wished to approach its examination as advised. All the lights which could be obtained were desirable, that the question might be decided on its merits. He did not impugn the motives of the Executive; he had been one of his earliest friends, although he was entirely opposed to him in the present matter. He had been in favor of referring the Secretary's letter to a select committee, and that it should not be made a party question. It was a great question of law, and was to be settled without regard to whether distress had or had not followed. One portion of the House de clared that there was the most alarming distress in every quarter of the country: others insisted that there was no distress at all. Time would decide between them. He was for having the question decided as law and the consti tution should require.

Mr. WILDE said, as this seemed to be considered as an argument whether the House would or would not now hear his speech, he presumed he should be entitled Mr. LANE, of Indiana, said that though the gentleman to the last word. Whether the gentleman from Pennsyl from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] might be prepared now to vania [Mr. MILLER] was right in so treating it or not, he discuss the subject of the report, he (Mr. L.) was not (Mr. W.) should not inquire. If he were, gentlemen now prepared to hear him. He could not hear him un- who spoke for the motion, and, by consequence, (accord derstandingly. He had not yet seen either the report or ing to the gentleman,) against the speech, attached much the documents which were to accompany it. As he desir-more importance to it than he (Mr. W.) did. What he ed the aid of all the lights that could be thrown upon the had to say, when heard, though it would not, perhaps, subject of deliberation, whether from documentary matter, be entirely innocent of all meaning, might be little better or from the talents and eloquence of gentlemen on that than some of the reasons against hearing it. He rose floor, he could not now go into the subject. He wished however, not to say a word in its favor, but to relieve the first to have an opportunity to examine the report and House from all anxiety on the subject, as soon as he had the appendix. He had sat in that House now for three discharged his obligations to all the gentlemen who had months, while the discussion on this deposite question had honored him with their remarks. In desiring to proceed been going on, a silent and a patient listener. Nor should at this time, the time assigned by the Committee of Ways he have risen now but for an imputation cast on the gen- and Means themselves for taking it up, he was actuated, tleman from Tennessee, and on those who had the honor as far as he could answer for his own motives, solely by to act with him in that House, that the object of their mo- a wish to save time, and fulfil his duty. He had under tion was delay. stood that the chairman of the Committee of Ways and It was important sometimes to retrospect the conduct Means, who, on a former occasion, laboriously argued this of gentlemen. He trusted he never should so far violate subject, did not design defending his report until it was the order of the House as to call in question the motives attacked, and he (Mr. W.) had, therefore, urged his of any gentleman who held a seat there. But he could right to the floor. It was his fortune, however, in the not but recollect that, on the 12th of last December, a view of the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. POLK] and gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. BINNEY] had declared his friends, to be always too fast, or too slow. that action, speedy action, was necessary; and with a view last wished to speak, the previous question was called, to that end had insisted that the report of the Secretary and persisted in, because he was too late. Now a postof the Treasury should be referred to a committee of the ponement is moved because he is too soon; and the gen whole House. He well recollected the eloquence of a tleman from North Carolina [Mr. BYNUM] expressed sur gentleman who sat near him, and to whom he always listen-prise that he (Mr. W.) should persevere in a course which, ed with pleasure, who had told the House that, though in his (Mr. B.'s) opinion, implied a want of courtesy to the debate might be pleasant to the House, it was death to chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. the people. Mr. L. had then occupied the floor for a He (Mr. W.) would always be happy to be instructed moment, merely to state that he should vote to send the in courtesy, by so distinguished a prefessor as the gentle Secretary's letter to the Committee of Ways and Means, man from North Carolina; but he did not perceive how and should then be for a speedy decision of the ques- his wishing to speak, when the gentleman from Tennessee tion. Now, who was the most consistent? He who had did not, implied any discourtesy; and, in justice to himself, sat silent, or other gentlemen who had continued to speak he was bound to add, he had several times attempted day after day, and as soon as any attempt was made to to get the floor, with a view of withdrawing his opposition, bring the debate to a close, had resisted it, and been the but other gentlemen, who had not spoken, always got it first to procrastinate? The Committee of Ways and Means from him. He had competed with the gentleman from had now reported: he had not yet seen their report; and North Carolina [Mr. BYNUM] himself, and was only prenow the delay of a single week was complained of. vented from interrupting him, to state his object, by the Mr. L. repeated that he was not prepared to hear the very quality in which the gentleman supposed him degentleman from Georgia, and he trusted the motion of ficient.

When he

the gentleman from Tennessee would prevail. In reply He had not, therefore, exhibited any pertinacity of op to the gentleman from Rhode Island, he would say that he position to a motion which virtually told him he was prealways listened to him with pleasure; that he was always mature in desiring to be heard, as he had before been

MARCH 12, 1834.]

Massachusetts Resolutions.

[H. OF R.

told he was tardy. But if he had, undoubtedly, under was permitted to be heard. If the words of gentlemen all the circumstances, he would have been justified, and who made these declarations were to be interpreted by he wished to right himself on that point, in the opinion of their acts, they were anxious to decide, but indisposed to the House. The papers came in a week ago. Every discuss. Mr. W. did not complain of that; and the gengentleman had been in possession of the majority report tleman from North Carolina, [Mr. BYxum,] unintentionand the minority report, several days since. Some docu- ally, no doubt, did him great injustice when he imagined ments to be appended to the former were alone wanting; he (Mr. W.) was inclined to compel the House to listen and this is urged as a ground for not proceeding with a to him. That was a miracle which even the gentleman discussion of the report, which he was prepared to dis- himself could not effect. Mr. W. considered that the cuss without those documents. If he were suffered to pro-liberty of speaking and the liberty of not hearing went ceed, he should occupy the time allotted to the subject together. During certain kinds of re-marks, they were to-day and to-morrow. Friday and Saturday were assign-all troubled with the malady of not marking. For himed to private bills, and Monday for petitions. The post- self, however, whenever the subject, in his opinion, was ponement, therefore, was unnecessary. It would not worthy of discussion, give him permission to speak, and be necessary for him, in the view he proposed to take, he would take his chance of being heard, ay, and underto advert to those documents, nor would it be requisite stood, too, without documents. He had pressed for a to advert to them for the purpose of testing its correct-hearing, because he was ready for trial. If others were ness. The most important of them were documents al-not, it was not his fault. Their time for preparation had ready printed, and on the files of the House; such as been equal to his own; their capacity certainly not less; the report and counter report from the majority and and their industry, no doubt, greater. Why this indispominority of the Committee of Ways and Means of last sition to open the debate? Whence this opposition, from year, of which a large number of extra copies had been gentlemen themselves so opposite? The gentleman from voted, and which, he supposed, every one in the House Tennessee [Mr. POLK] having apprised, as he says, some had read. of the gentlemen with whom Mr. W. usually acted, of the

The gentleman from Indiana, indeed, [Mr. LANE,] intended motion to postpone, and met with no objection, appeared to believe he should not be able to understand had not expected any from him.

his (Mr. W.'s) speech, without the aid of the papers in He (Mr. W.) had never heard a hint of the motion question. He feared, if this were so, he must abandon before it was made; a proof that the gentleman from all hope of being understood by the gentleman from In-Tennessee had mistaken the persons with whom he (Mr. dians. For, undoubtedly, if he could not understand Mr. W.) usually acted, or that his usual course of action was W. without documents, to which it was not Mr. W.'s little concerted with any one. In the opinion of his present purpose to refer, he would not be able to under- honorable friend from Missouri, [Mr. ASHLEY,] that we stand him with them. ought to proceed to the appropriation bills, he could not His colleague [Mr. WAYNE] seemed to think it would concur. The moment those bills were passed, Congress be a waste of time to attempt proceeding, since any one would be no longer necessary to "the Government,” and might call for the reading of the documents, and so in there was a measure (which might be resorted to) which terrupt the progress of the discussion. With great defer- had been mooted, and which would as effectually preence to his colleague's superior knowledge of rules and clude all further discussion as the favorite remedy of the order, he ventured to affirm he was mistaken. The read-majority for that great evil-freedom of debate. ing, having been once dispensed with, could not again be insisted on, if any one objected to it.

The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MASON] and others, as it seemed to him, argued against delay and voted for it. Gentlemen cry out for action; and what action do they propose? An action to confirm what has been done, and to leave all things just as they are.

The gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] with whom the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MASON] voted, declined bringing this matter into the Committee of the Whole, where every body could have fair play. They had resolved to keep the tourniquet on the debate, and to amputate it whenever they thought proper. They professed great liberality. They intended to admit a reasonable length of debate; but they were to be the judges of that, and kept the power in their own hands. What did gentlemen mean by a reasonable length of debate! They professed a great willingness to hear him, if they thought it would advance the period of a decision in the least; but not seeing how that could be at all affected, they would vote against hearing him.

He

need not be more explicit. Every one understood him. The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. CHILTON] wished delay, because he hoped a great remedy was preparing. What revelations, by vision or otherwise, the gentleman might have had, he could not say; still less, how their fulfilment of his prophetic hopes could be in the slightest degree affected by an argument, however feeble, against the committee's remedy, and in favor of some other.

Since it was obvious, however, if this debate went on, his speech would be cut off, (whether the postponement should be carried or not,) having, as he hoped, set himself right before the House, and acquitted himself of all debts of gratitude to the gentlemen who so much lamented that they could not hear him then, he would, so far as he was concerned, withdraw his opposition. They should hear him "another day.'

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The question was now put on postponing the considera-
tion of the report till Tuesday week, and negatived.
It was then put on the original motion to postpone till
Tuesday next, and carried without a count.

MASSACHUSETTS RESOLUTIONS.

Again, he asked, what did gentlemen mean by a reasonable length of debate? If they meant, ten, twenty, or Mr. ADAMS, of Massachusetts, said he had already thirty days, or any fixed time during which they could twice requested of the House leave to lay before it cer find patience and leisure to listen or not listen, as they tain resolutions from the State of Massachusetts, with the pleased, to the complaints and sufferings of the country, presentation of which he had been charged. He would then he said to gentlemen it was a very simple question now prefer that request for a third time, assuring gentleof arithmetic. By beginning two days sooner, they men that he should not occupy the time of the House with would finish two days earlier. The decision for which any debate on the resolutions, but should reserve to a fugentlemen appeared to be so anxious would be had ture opportunity the expression of his views in relation to eight, eighteen, or twenty-eight days hence, according the subjects to which they had reference.

to the urgency or clemency of gentlemen and their

Objection being made

friends in assigning, in the first instance, a fixed period He moved a suspension of the rules of the House, for during which the voice of reason or the wail of misery the purpose of offering these resolutions.

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[MARCH 12, 1834.

The motion was negatived-ayes 79. It requiring two the House shall direct otherwise, but shall lie on the table, thirds. to be taken up in the order they were read." I am not REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS. I allude, that a debate should take place on the resolu aware of any direction of the House, on the day to which Mr. POLK asked consent of the House to offer a reso- tions of the Legislature of Virginia; but, by the indullution intended to insure a fuller consideration to the gence of the Speaker, the member who introduced them report of the Committee of Ways and Means on the sub-commented largely upon their contents, and, immediately jects referred to them in connexion with the removal of after he sat down, another member from the same State the deposites.

Mr. ADAMS loudly objecting

Mr. POLK moved to suspend the rule, to enable him

to make the motion he had indicated.

The question being put, it was carried-ayes 119,

noes 47.

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Mr. ADAMS was about giving some reason why made the request.

he

The CHAIR pronounced this not to be in order; as a motion to suspend the rules did not admit of debate. Mr. ADAMS. The voice of Virginia has been heard here, and

The CHAIR called Mr. ADAMS to order.

Mr. McDUFFIE inquired of the CHAIR whether, if the resolution now offered was laid upon the table, its consideration would not be superseded by all other resolutions already lying on the table, and previously offered? The CHAIR replied that it would.

The question was thereupon taken, and carried-ayes 115, noes 56.

So the House determined that the resolution should now be considered; and it was considered accordingly.

Mr. ADAMS, of Massachusetts, then addressed the House, as follows:

rose, and called for the reading of the letter from the Governor of Virginia, which enclosed the resolutions, upon which he commenced a speech of three hours against both the Governor's letter and the resolutions. He kept the House in session till six o'clock, listening with well deserved attention to that speech; I listened to it myself, sir, with delight, with admiration, with every thing but conviction. But, sir, he had opened a field of debate, of which there is every prospect that it will outlast the

session.

An extraordinary day was, in the course of the last week, devoted by the House to the reception of petitions and memorials; but, even on that day, not one of them could have been received but by the courtesy of a third member from Virginia, who had obtained the floor, and was anxiously desirous to present his views upon the resolutions of the Legislature, and to vindicate the character of the Governor, which he thought had been arraigned by his colleague.

Last Monday, the regular day again for the presentation of petitions and memorials, I was prepared to present sundry resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, upon the same important and absorbing interests upon which the voice of the Legislature of Virginia bad been heard. But the honorable member who had obtained the Mr. ADAMS said he hoped there was some sense of floor to reply to his colleague, and who had on the justice in the majority of the House; after refusing him-intermediate day yielded it, with the understanding that The CHAIR repeatedly called Mr. A. to order, and at he should retain the privilege when the stated day for length directed him to take his seat. petitions should come round, he now stood upon his right and although he obligingly offered to allow me the few minutes of time which I pledged myself not to exceed in presenting the resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, yet others, equally eager with him to take part in the debate on the Virginia resolutions, were more inflexible than he, and I was unable to obtain the permission of the House to present the resolutions from Mas sachusetts. He replied to his colleague, and was follow ed by another member from the same Commonwealth. But the speech of the first antagonist of his own State Legislature had opened other fountains of eloquence than Mr. Speaker: I hope the House will not pass this, nor those that flowed from the Virginia resolutions. He had any such resolution; for I do not feel at all relieved from touched upon the sensitive nerves of South Carolina. A a serious apprehension, by the exception with which it gentleman from South Carolina then took the floor, and has been so modified as to leave the weekly day allotted then we had the triumphal song of nullification-a song to the reception of petitions and memorials yet open for which, however enchanting to other ears, has no charms that service. And if this resolution should pass, and be to mine-not but that it came from a most melodious adhered to, it is exceedingly probable that not another voice, but that its strain was in unison or in harmony with petition or memorial will obtain admission to the House no feelings of mine. Sir, I can distinguish between the to the end of the session. And, sir, I will now say, what cause and the eloquence which sustains it. I was about to say a short time since, when the Speaker the talent, and lament its application. But the note of arrested me on a point of order, and compelled me to nullification was sounded, and the tariff and the comprotake my seat. I trust it will not now be out of order. mise, and the force bill, and the whole system of our About a fortnight since, certain resolutions of the Legis policy, and every discordant note of our system, was lature of Virginia were presented on the regular day (the summoned to the encounter; the sun went down upon Monday) by one of the representatives from that Com- indignant eloquence of the gentleman from South Caremonwealth on this floor. They related to the great topics lina, without exhausting it. The House adjourned, lear which have almost engrossed the attention of this and the ing him in possession of the floor, and upon the next other House of Congress, from the commencement of the regular day for receiving petitions and memorials he will session. Sir, I read in the 45th rule for conducting retain it. Others have already announced their intention business in this House, that the "petitions, memorials, to succeed him. The debate spreads as it proceeds, and, and other papers addressed to the House, shall be pre- to judge from present appearances, it may occupy every sented by the Speaker, or by a member in his place; a succeeding Monday of the session, were it to continue till brief statement of the contents thereof shall verbally be the first Monday in December.

I can admire

the

made by the introducer, and shall not be debated or de- The proviso, therefore, that the Monday shall remain cided on the day of their being first read, unless where open for the reception of petitions and memorials, offers

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