APRIL 3, 1834.]

The Public Deposites.

[H. or R.

ever they can compel him, if engaged in war, to make lected a revenue of twenty-five or thirty millions of dolcace when they please; they can compel him to pass lars annually from the people, and disbursed it again, yet whatever law they choose, whether it be to equalize their not one dollar of the money was withdrawn from circulaepresentation in Parliament, or to take off and repeal tion, but in truth and fact the circulation increased by the he odious and abominable pains, penalties, and disabili- operation. Every dollar, when collected, was put into ies imposed on the dissenters from the established church, the Bank of the United States; on which the bank issued or to emancipate that good, pious, and orderly class of her own paper, discounted or dealt in exchange at the iis subjects, the Catholics. If the ministers are unpopuir, or their policy is not approved of by the people, they un compel their King to dismiss them, and appoint such public sentiment may point out, I care not who may be their head. Even Wellington, the victor of a hundred The deposites were equal, on an average, to eight ales, and who has proudly vaulted over a hundred millions; the bank could extend its accommodations to the body fields, who is the boast and pride of the nation, people on these deposites to sixteen millions; by a remod an ornament to the nobility, experienced the power val of the deposites, that amount is withdrawn from cirthe displeasure of the people, by a dismissal from the culation. The bank must call in her discounts and other stry. Charles I. attempted to seize the money of accommodations, to meet this state of things. In addition people without authority of law; his head paid the to a removal of the deposites, the Treasurer, by the comet due to the rashness of the act. James II. made mand of the Executive, gave to the cashiers of the pet effort to tread in the footsteps of his father, and was State banks floating drafts on the Bank of the United apelled to abdicate his throne and regal power. States to the amount of $2,300,000, without notifying the I now, in the presence of this august assembly, ask bank of it, contrary to the usage of the Treasury DepartPery gentleman present, and I ask every man in the na- ment. This operation was intended for a twofold purare you prepared to surrender your money and Gov-pose: one to enable the pet banks to fortify themselves, Whent without a struggle? Your fathers commenced as they were weak, should a run be made on them; the war of the Revolution for principle. You are called next was to enable those cashiers to make a run upon the to do it now for your political existence. Let us rise Bank of the United States, or any of its branches, to emthe majesty of our strength, put down the tyrant, break barrass it in its regular operations. The bank not knowhains, and effect our deliverance, peaceably, if possi- ing when or where these floating drafts would be preby a decisive vote at the polls; but, at all events, let sented, and specie demanded, the probability was, the Are and die freemen. holders would call on the branch which least expected it. Ilave, sir, investigated the sufficiency of the reasons In this state of things, what was the bank to do for selff the Secretary of the Treasury for the removal of the preservation, to meet the approaching crisis? There eposites, and also traced them to their true source. I was no alternative left to the bank; it had to contract its ave considered the whole as the act of the President, business; call in its discounts and accommodations. The id that selfish, interested, and desperate cabal that gov. withdrawal of the deposites made this necessary; the Lais nation. floating drafts made it indispensably necessary for selfThere is another point of view in which this subject preservation. When the bank commenced its preparad to be considered by this House; that is, the policy tions to meet its then situation, what would be its operaxpediency of the measure. It is admitted, on all tions? It had to call on its debtors for payment; the sis this House, that there are great distress and suf- debtors would pay about three dollars out of four in the eg in the country; that all branches of business have paper of the bank; and hence the bank would have to paralyzed; that the commercial interest has been collect eight millions to fortify itself with two millions; ted; the manufacturing establishments have had to for nothing but specie would meet these floating drafts, or considerably suspend their operations, and, in and if not paid in specie, the kitchen cabinet would inmetuistances, been broken up entirely; the productions stantly have trumpeted and proclaimed the bank inthe land have been reduced thirty or forty per cent.; solvent.

rate of near two for one. Whenever the bank paid the money to the public creditors, it was again in circulation; and when it was not paid out, it remained as deposites, and was banked on.

price of labor has fallen, and scarcely any employ- The State banks cannot discount on the deposites, for it; all active business has ceased; gloom and hor- because their capital is small, and their specie not one depicted on the countenances of all.

dollar in five to what they owe. The shock given to commerce will prevent the importation of foreign goods subject to duty to a great extent, probably not less than thirty millions, which will reduce the estimated revenue

Ths state of things, we are all compelled to admit; can be so incredulous as to doubt it, after memorials petitions have been presented to Congress, signed by dreds of thousands. The only point upon which we from that source six or eight millions. The banks do not wiffer is, what are the causes which have produced know what moment the Government, in this deranged brought them about. The opposition party says it is state of its revenue, will call on them for the deposites, ard alarm artificially and insidiously excited and got to meet its current expenses. The Bank of the United by the bank and its supporters, to drive Congress and States is threatened by the President with the further nation into the renewal of the charter of the bank. hostility of the Government of the United States, by repart, we allege that it is the natural and necessary turning on the bank those branch checks, which are quence resulting from the conduct of the Executive found to be so useful a currency in the country, to the moving the deposites, in the war of extermination amount of ten millions more. The bank, to meet this, is waging against inst the bank, and the extraordi- had to make further preparations. In this state of uny experiment he is making upon the currency of the necessary war, waged by the Executive against the bank, try. Before this experiment was commenced, com- the confidence of the trading part of the community was ce, manufactures, agriculture, and all branches of destroyed, and universal alarm and distrust ensued. ess, flourished in a remarkable manner; prosperity The alarm and panic were natural results; the currency ned the land, and gladdened every heart; plenty of the country and the confidence of the commercial as a welcome guest every house, and cheerfulness world are delicate subjects to touch, too delicate to be I upon every countenance. rudely handled by the kitchen cabinet. No, Mr. Speaker, The question now is to find out the real cause of the there is nothing artificial in the panic, alarm, and univer. and correct it, if possible. Up to the period of the sal loss of confidence, which now exist. Teval of the deposites, although the Government col-1 The next inquiry is, what effect have those fears had

the

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The Public Deposites.

[APRIL 3, 1834.

same time such rewards for a victory, however, splendid, befel him; and his Maker, to let the world behold in him argue little for the military character of the nation. It the instability of fortune, and the ruin which awaits insaseems to imply that the nation never achieved the like of tiable ambition, fixed him on an island in the South A it before, and never expects to equal it again. Such an lantic, perched on the crater of an extinguished volcanoopinion is a libel on the glorious achievements of the rev- a fit emblem of his own fallen greatness and gloomy for olution, and is a poor compliment on the warlike spirit tunes.

of the nation, to be displayed hereafter in its proud march Sir, war abroad is sometimes necessary to a man when to future greatness. The truth and fact is, that victory is he wants to become the tyrant of the people. Atal the common change of all applicants for office; and they events, being dreaded and feared by other nations is no cannot praise their change too much, either as to quantity evidence that he is the father of the people and respect or quality. The more they puff it, the more they will get er of their rights and liberties.

for it. That is the reason why the battle behind a ditch I will now call the attention of the House to the cre and cotton bags has been so much exalted and extolled duct of General Jackson since he has been Presiden, over the victories of the Revolution, and the master gene- which is calculated to awaken our jealousy, and increase ralship displayed by Washington, in concentrating the our vigilance, in watching over the liberties of the per military forces before Yorktown, and the capture of Lord ple and the purity of our institutions. Cornwallis, or the hard and well-fought bloody battles on What pledges were given by him and his friends, wh the Niagara frontier in the last war.

But, Mr. Speaker, admit all the encomiums that have been heaped on General Jackson by his friends to be true: the higher his military fame, the greater his popularity, the stronger his hold upon the affections of the people, the greater the necessity to watch with vigilance and jealousy every step he takes towards arbitrary power. From the weak and impotent man who is ambitious we have nothing to fear. The anger of the cat excites no alarm; the fury of the uncaged lion is terrible.

the canvass for his election was going on, during the his immediate predecessor was in office; and how, in what manner he has redeemed them, are subjects we worthy our inquiry.

A retrenchment in the expenditures of the Govera ment was promised the people. How, and in what ras ner, that has been redeemed, let the following tard show, in which the amount paid by each administration on account of the public debt, is excluded, and nothy is embraced but the current expenses of the year.

We have heard a great deal said in this House about our foreign relations: what advantageous treaties have been concluded with other Powers; and how, since the presi- 1825, dency of General Jackson, the name of the United States 1826, is dreaded abroad. It is not necessary to enter into a dis- 1827, cussion, at this time, upon the advantages or disadvantages 1828, of the treaties concluded during the present administration,

Adams's administration.

Jackson's administration.

or how much General Jackson's name, fame, and author- He was to reform and cut down all useless offices. In ity, make the United States dreaded abroad. I consider stead of doing that, he has multiplied offices, agencies the whole of them empty boasting. But suppose those and employments by hundreds. The enormous e pompous accounts are all true; what do they prove in the penditure of public money, and an increase of officers present controversy? I answer, nothing. are necessary to his plan of conducting the Govern When was the Roman republic ever so formidable in It increases the spoils of victory. In the increase of of her wars with foreign nations, or more dreaded by them ces and expenditures, additional power is given; it enlar than in the days of Julius Cæsar, when civil war and dis- more men under his standard. cord raged within the republic, and finally ended in the He and his friends abused his predecessor, because downfall of the Government, and the elevation of Cæsar or two publishers of the laws were changed. What is to the dictatorship? When was England, anterior to the he done? His conduct has destroyed the liberty of t days of Cromwell, ever so powerful as when that tyrant press altogether, not by pains and penalties, and the e led her armies to victory, and Blake commanded her fleets tablishment of a censorship over it, but by corrupting on the ocean? All the surrounding nations trembled at his with patronage, largesses, and bribes. name. What was the state of the internal Government of

There is one way certain to high lucrative offices England at that time? The republic was overthrown, the employments; that is, to get up a press to praise members of the Parliament turned out of their hall by laud General Jackson. The editors know this, and, their own general, and he proclaimed Protector of the withstanding their boasted patriotism and devotion

nation.

their country, their incorruptibility of heart, yet, whe

Let us turn our eyes to France, within our own times. taken up to the top of this Capitol, and showed the go Bonaparte was the victorious general of that republic; he things of this land, and have them all promised to them was like unto Absalom of old he had stolen away the the flesh is weak; their supposed inflexibility of charact hearts of the people. He turned his arms against the yields, and they cannot say, as Duane did, "Get beha Government he had fought for; drove, at the point of the me, Satan." When such sterling integrity as Amos Ke bayonet, the representatives of the people out of the dall once had gives way, who can expect to have th hall of their deliberations; prostrated the republic; and, firmness to resist?

under the names of First Consul, and then Emperor, be- Mr. Adams, when he administered the Governmen came the tyrant of the people. He conquered Europe was abused because he appointed members of Cong in a hundred dreadful battles. All nations feared him, and to the highest offices within the gift of the nation. W to foreign Powers he dictated whatever treaties he pleas- out inquiring whether this charge was true or not, wh ed. The foreign relations of France, as it respected the has been the conduct of the present administration? T extension of her empire, or her influence at foreign whole cabinet and diplomatic corps were composed courts, were well managed. But that was a poor equiva- members of Congress. gress. This is a most exceptional

lent for the loss of liberty; for the cruel conscriptions

which tore the youths of France from their fathers, mo- * Since this speech was made, it has been ascertained thers, and country, and bleached every field in Germany committe of the Senate, that the Post Office establishments with their bones, and dyed every river with their blood.

insolvent for $803,625 which item must be added as an add. al expenditure in the administration of General Jacks

But God made an awful example of him at last; reverses when Mr. Adams went out of ofice, that establishment overtook him in his mad career of conquest; misfortunes surplus of $289,140 17.

PRIL 3, 1834.]

The Public Deposites.

[H. or R.

ractice. It is by patronage, and not by money, that the exceptions. The Post Office Department, including ministry in Great Britain, since the days of Walpole to postmasters, clerks, mail contractors, and their dependhis time, have corrupted and bought up the Parliament. ants, furnishes thirty thousand. The other departments will not say that Congress has been purchased in that supply about an equal number, making something like way, but I will say it is a dangerous practice to the liber- sixty thousand, scattered all over the United States, reies of the people. It gives the President great power. ceiving and disbursing twenty-five millions of dollars a t has been a belief of the existence of this power, I fear, year. What an appalling phalanx this is for the people which has kept unfilled the foreign missions to Great to encounter! how dangerous to liberty! And if he can Britain and Russia. only add to this powerful body the whole of the additional General Jackson and his administration have attacked forces which the pet banks can bring to his aid, when he free exercise of the right of suffrage. This has been united, this army of dependants and retainers will be reune by punishing men for maintaining and enjoying the sistless. He has chosen his successor the last act of ght to vote at elections as they pleased. The punish- royalty. He has shown the young Cæsar to the Prætorian ment inflicted was to turn them out of office, if they were guards at the seat of Government, and last fall made the office; if not in, to shut the door to office, to all favor tour of the North with him, to show him the distant lend promotion. But it has been more effectually done gions. All the office-holders and office-hunters already giving offices, honors, promotions, and rich rewards begin to acknowledge his power, and recognise his right those who vote for him and support his administration. divine to the succession. They are making daily efforts The man who is most abject and servile in his flatteries to get the rays of his countenance to beam upon them; cceeds best. The vile sycophant is preferred to the but, as yet, through affected humility, he keeps his eyes onest and honorable man; high-minded men withdraw to the ground, and will look no man in the face. to retirement, impressed with the solemn truth, that What a dreary prospect we have now before us! How hen vice prevails, and impious men bear sway, the desperate appears the cause of the people and of liber be of honor is the private station." This practice of The mariner, when lost in the wide and almost bout Dess tig men know, when they come to the polls, that they Pacific, tossed by storms and driven by adverse currents, le under the fear of punishment on the one hand, and his water and provisions nearly exhausted, now and then hopes of reward on the other, will undermine this is cheered with a green island rearing its head out of the Government, shake it to its centre, and finally prosate it on the earth. It must be stopped, or we are un me people. To come to the polls like horse-jockeys sto a race field, and inquire into the characters, keepers,

waste of waters. So with the lost and wayward traveller over the great desert of Sahara: ngig but a wide and almost illimitable ocean of sand arof him; from above, the sun parching his head; the sand blistering his feet

managers of the candidates before we vote, and then beneath; he, in this gloomy situation, occasionally meets to vite for the one that is most likely to win the race, is with a well of water and a grove of refreshing trees, deplorable state of things. which have escaped the baneful and withering sirocco, Mr. Speaker, when we look at the present, and then to gladden his heart. But what, Mr. Speaker, have we leview the past, and put them together, what is the pros- before us in this wide waste, ruin, and desolation of all pact before us? A proud, haughty, ambitious, military our rights, civil, political, and religious? I answer, , who has charmed the imaginations of the people by nothing but hope and the justice of our cause are left ebilliancy of his victories, and won their affections by to us. Hope, almost alone, sustained Washington freadmiration of his renown in arms, has, by their mis- quently in the revolutionary war; and why should we, as ced affections, been elevated to the first office of this yet, despair? No; let us not give up the ship: relief is vernment, to the head of affairs. What has been his coming. The people are breaking the chains that kept dict in this high office? Let facts speak, and not them spell bound. They are awakening every where. if; they speak louder than words in this Hall; they New York has manifested a disposition to be free. Virto the unders derstanding and hearts of the people. ginia has erected the standard of liberty; and not only is increased the expenditures of this Government her own sons, but the nation, will rally around it. KenWan enormous sum, unknown to former times. He has tucky will know the banner-it was once her own-and, plied offices, employments, and agencies, to get his in this great contest, will be found combating by the side ds quartered on Government, in a manner unheard of her parent. The Senate is with us. The greatest Phefore. He has invaded the liberty of the press, by men in the nation are there. Let us make one mighty hang its conductors with lucrative offices and rich re- effort, and burst asunder, as the strong man of old did,

Mak

He has stabbed the free exercise of the right of the cords that bind us.

lage to the heart, by punishing men for exercising it, I have, sir, been speaking of General Jackson and his by rewarding others for prostituting it. He has inva- administration politically, and considered what has been and the independence of this House and the Senate Cham- done during his administration as done by himself; for the by coming into them to select all the high officers of effect upon the nation is the same. It is due to that disGovernment. He has attacked the reputation of the tinguished individual, although his official conduct is Miciary, and endeavored to injure their standing with ruining our country, and prostrating its best and dearest people, by imputing to them corruption. He has interests, to say, before I resume my seat, that I believe sed and attempted to degrade a portion of this House he is an honest and truthful man, and will not stoop to the Senate, by charging them with having been bought disguise his actions, however arbitrary and despotic they and "feed" by the bank. He has seized the purse may be. His greatest fault is the strength and violence of sword of the nation, and arrogantly claims to of his passions, which, instead of checking, he cherishes, the Government itself." He has, following the ex- feeds, and blows into a flame. He has a laudable love of Maple set by usurpers of former days, endeavored to glory, but he loves it to excess; and hence he mistakes ake the people believe that the other two departments the selfish voice of flattery for the unbought sound of the Government are inimical to their interest and welfare, trumpet of fame. He courts the applause of the world ad that he alone is their friend. He has engrossed all and posterity. Alas! his ears hear nothing but the servile Dwer, and is as absolute as any crowned head in Eu- adulations and praises of the vile miscreants who surround Ope: he only differs with them in the name.

him. He, from his habits as a general of our armies, has

Let us see the means he has adopted to perpetuate his been taught to command, and is impatient of control; the wer, and rivet our chains of slavery. All the officers wretches who fatten upon the spoils of the nation avail disciplined corps, with but few themselves of his former education to keep the honest,

this Government are a

H. or R.

originally, from having

honorable, and high-minded men, who rallied around him the urgency of the case is such as not to admit of delay. having any influence over him; nay, Since this bill was reported to the House, petitions hare nearly the whole of them are excluded from his presence, accumulated on the hands of the committee, upon wheh and proscribed by the cabal that influence his conduct the committee thought proper not to act while this and direct his actions. But behold and see his most was pending. Should it pass, the committee will be repowerful friends when he came into power. And who lieved from any further aftention to them; should it be reare they? Calhoun, McDuffie, and Hamilton, in the South. jected, the committee will, at once, resume their labore In the West, Bibb, Wickliffe, Chilton, Rowan, and Dan- I feel, sir, no great certainty, no improper solicitude iel. And where are they now? In the ranks of his op- that this bill should pass. There is no reason I should ponents. How has this been done? Because a "malign I am not aware that it would affect my constituents bene influence" has driven him from his course, and made him depart from his principles. They went in for principle, and not for men.

ficially to the amount of a dollar; for of the numerous ap plications which have been made to Congress the preses session, for the relief provided by this bill, I do not ne

I have one remark more, Mr. Speaker, and then I have collect one from the State of Massachusetts. But har done: I once heard a good and pious man, who had long the honor of being one of the Committee on Revolutiona ministered at the altar of God, say, in finishing a sermon, Claims, and the bill having been reported with my com that if he had made one convert, nay, brought one man sent and approbation, there seems to be a propriet who heard him to think seriously upon the great truths my stating to the House (which I shall do very briety he had been delivering, he would consider himself amply the reasons which I have to offer in support of the b rewarded for all his labor and all his toils on that day, be- and in my endeavoring to answer some of the objection cause such was his conviction of the great truths of Chris- which have been urged against it. tianity and the true religion of God, that a seeker would The bill has reference to two classes of claims: 1st. heon become a convert: so with myself, comparing small claims for five years' commutation pay, as it is called, thlousy with great, the matters of this world with the lieu of half pay for life, founded on certain resolutions thing's to come hereafter; if I have made one convert, Congress of the 21st October, 1780, and 22d March nay, brought one man to think seriously upon the politi- 1783. 2d. To claims under the resolution of Congress eal truths I have attempted to deliver, I shall feel amply August 24th, 1780, by which seven years' half pay w compensated for all my labor. But, Mr. Speaker, what- granted to the widow, or, in case of her decease or inte ever may be the result, I thank my God for this opportu- marriage, to the orphan children of such officers as bast nity, and health sufficient, (although lately greatly afflict or should die in the service.

ed,) to do my duty to my constituents and country; and

into the hands and safe-keeping of the Almighty, as far as I am concerned, do I commit the cause and destinies of the American people.

When Mr. HARDIN had concluded

Mr. McDUFFIE rose, and addressed the House on the same side of the question. He had proceeded in his remarks about half an hour, when he yielded to a motion for adjournment, made by Mr. ARCHER.

Mr. LANE demanded the yeas and nays upon this motion. They were ordered and taken, and resulted in an adjournment, by a vote of 117 to 83.

The House then adjourned.

FRIDAY, APRIL 4.

PUBLIC DEPOSITES.

The order of the day, for the first hour, viz. from 11 to 12 o'clock, was the consideration of the resolution of fered by Mr. MARDIS, of Alabama, proposing that the deposites should remain in the State banks; but that Congress should have the selection and regulation of the banks in which they are to be placed. On this subject

Mr. CORWIN, of Ohio, had the floor, and addressed the House until the expiration of the hour, in opposition to the resolution. He had not concluded his remarks when the House, according to order, passed at 12 o'clock to the next order of the day, being the

COMMUTATION BILL.

These are the claims to which the bill has referenc and the principal object of it is to transfer the examinatio and decision of them from Congress to the Secretary the Treasury. I am confident that every member of t House, who has had any experience in regard to the t vestigation of these claims, or who will bestow the leas reflection upon the subject, must be satisfied that proposed change, in this respect, if adopted, would prov beneficial both to the claimants and the Governme There would be a more speedy decision. If the claut are well founded, they ought to be allowed and pa without delay; if they are not well founded, they ong to be promptly rejected, and those who are prosecut them relieved from the trouble and expense of tending here. Cases are frequently put off from ses to session, for no other reason than that there is not tir to act definitively upon them. By transferring them the Treasury Department, we secure not only a me speedy, but a more intelligent decision. I certainly not mean to disparage this House; but it may be tre said, that, constituted as it is, it is almost the worst pes ble tribunal for the decision of cases requiring the inve tigation of facts. It is all a matter of confidence. T House put confidence in the committee, and the comin tee put confidence in the individual member to whom case has been assigned; and that member acts upon information which he has been able to obtain at the

ces.

It must be evident, therefore, that much would gained by turning all these cases over to the Treast Department, where they would be examined with m

Mr. BAYLIES, of Massachusetts, spoke, in substance, facility, and decided with more correctness, than thes

as follows:

be by this House. But if we pass this bill, it has be

Mr. Speaker: This is an important bill, and, in my said, we shall thereby so swell the tide of executive opinion, well entitled to the serious and deliberate atten- ronage, that it will sweep away all those mounds wh tion of the members of this House. I know, however, have been erected for the security of our liberties. 10 that it must be difficult, if not impossible, for them to fix tainly have no disposition to increase executive pat their attention upon this subject, at a time when their age. This attempt, however, to awaken our jealous minds must necessarily be almost constantly occupied with not justified, I think, by the occasion. It is not propos another subject, of much greater importance, and of to create an office, or to provide for the appointment a much more exciting interest. For this reason, I would new officers. The measure is not without precedent have moved a postponement of the further consideration dividual cases, and whole classes of cases, have been of this bill to some time more favorable than the present quently, I believe, assigned to one of the departments to a patient and careful examination of its provisions; but adjustment and decision.

But it has been- strongly urged against the bill by the entleman from New York, [Mr. VANDERPOEL,] that it il open a wide door to fraud, and in proof of it, he fers to the practices under the pension act. The gen. eman has given us an instance, where an old man's ream, having been reduced to form, and sworn to, rought the case within the rules prescribed by the pen

[H. or R.

I will now proceed to notice an objection which has been made to the bill, and which, in my opinion, has more weight than those to which I have already advertedstill, however, founded, as I think, in misapprehension. In commenting on that part of the bill which requires the Secretary to regard certain presumptions as fixed principles, the gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. PIERCE]

on office. I believe such cases of fraud are very rare. has argued that presumptions are arbitrarily substituted

it, be this as it may, there can be no doubt that frauduat practices would be much more likely to impose upon ngress than upon the vigilant and intelligent officers the Treasury Department.

for proof. Legitimate and reasonable presumptions are proof, or must stand for proof, till the contrary appear. We cannot take a single step in the investigation of facts without resorting to presumption. It is co-extensive with If, then, these claims are to be examined, if any of them the whole circle of human experience and observation. It to be allowed, we are, I think, required by every is the inference of the fact in question from a fact proved. deration of expediency, to transfer them to some It frequently happens that evidence bearing directly upon anal, more competent than this House, to investigate the precise point in issue cannot be had. The case is decide them. Objections are, however, made, which established by presumption-so "where the existence of to the very foundation of the bill. It has been said a certain relation has once been proved, its continuance all these claims are barred by the statute of limita- is presumed till proof be given to the contrary." ApThis is true, and if it be the deliberate judgment ply these familiar principles of evidence to what are callthis House that this Government ought to put itself on jed the fixed principles of the bill, and every presumption

Katute of limitations, I shall acquiesce. But this will inconsistent with the whole course of the legislation of gress, for many years past, which has practically red the statute, or made it a dead letter. Whether it becomes this Government to meet the claims of its zens with this plea, I leave the House to determine, thout any argument from me on the subject. Another ection, nearly allied to that of the statute of limitations, the lapse of time, which creates, it is contended, an esstible presumption that all these claims have been hed. If the presumption be irresistible, there is an d of the question. A presumption that cannot be reed, is conclusive evidence. But Congress have not conered the lapse of time as furnishing any objection to the wance of these claims; for almost every day, relief is ted by special legislation. This special legislation I to avoid.

But the gentleman from New York [Mr. VANDERPOEL] also, that the act of 1828 covers the ground occud by this bill, extends to the same claims, and satisfies I think the gentleman has fallen into a mistake. act of 1828 and the provisions of this bill are perconsistent, and do not conflict in the least. The rs entitled to half pay for life, had, it was supposed, wdered their claim for an inadeqaate consideration; What which was not an equivalent. It was upon this the act of 1828 was passed. It could not have Vintended as a satisfaction of commutation pay; for f of having received commutation pay, ipso facto en an officer to the benefit of the act. To say, there that a claim to commutation pay is extinguished by art of 1828, is to make an unjust distinction between who had received commutation pay and him who had

which the Secretary is required to make, may be justly called a reasonable presumption, and such as might be properly made, though the whole provision in relation to these fixed principles were stricken from the bill.

In regard to the allowance of interest, I have but a very few words to say. I am aware that it may be contended that the Government never improperly delays the payment of any just claim, and, therefore, ought not to be charged with interest-on the other side, it may be said, that this presumption in favor of the Government is frequently against the fact; that, if the principal be justly due, it ought to carry interest, of course, and that the practice latterly has been to allow interest on similar claims. For myself, I am willing, upon this point, to submit entirely to the judgment of the House. I will dwell no longer upon the details of the bill. They have been fully and satisfactorily explained by the gentleman from. Kentucky, [Mr. MARSHALL.]

But, sir, we have been admonished to be upon our guard against the generous impulses of our natures, through the influence of which our judgments, it is said, will be misled. It has been well remarked, that where a question partakes equally of reason and feeling, the first impulses of a good heart and a sound mind are seldom to be distrusted; and it ought to be recollected that there is an antagonist principle always warring against these generous impulses, and frequently obtaining the mastery over them. It assumes the guise of patriotism, and opposes itself, on all occasions, to what is called a prodigal expenditure of the people's money. Economy is a popular theme-a seductive topic.

I am not about, at my time of life, to set up for a reformer: still I am unwilling to be considered an advocate

Received it. The benefits of the act of 1828 are in for a wasteful or unnecessary expenditure of the public ton to the commutation pay. Much fault has been money. If any gentleman will bring forward a well-condby the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. GILMER] with sidered, well-digested, judicious, and practical plan of Principles upon which these claims are to be adjudged retrenchment and reform, I will go with him heart and determined. The bill provides that they shall be hand. He shall have my feeble support. Yes! if there bined upon the principles of equity and justice: and are abuses, let them be exposed and corrected: if there lism is said to lurk under this provision. Its only is corruption, let it be searched out and punished: if there 4, as I conceive, is to put aside all objections arising are useless offices, let them be abolished: if there are acts of limitation. It certainly is not an unusual pro- extravagant salaries within our control, let them be reduced. Apply the incision-knife and caustic, and, with a reAims are frequently referred to one or the other of solute heart, and a firm, steady, and unflinching hand, Departments, to be settled upon the principles of carry the work of reformation throughout the whole cirte and equity. Upon these principles, Mr. Monroe's cle of the administration of your affairs. I confess, howwere adjusted. I do not complain of it. I pre-ever, that, upon this subject of retrenchment and reform, e it was right. But why should not the claims of I am not very sanguine. We talk a great deal, it is true, ts be settled on as liberal principles? It certainly of the republican simplicity of our institutions and man not be said, for the reason that he had been President ners; of our frugality, of our economy, and of our supete United States-justice is no respecter of persons. riority, in these respects, to the old and corrupt GovernIngs to the same level the various conditions of life. ments of Europe. I fear that there is in all this some VOL. X.-216