same proportion. [MAT 2, 1834 well as larger ones? Why allow banks and rich capitalists obliging the mass of the people to lose in exactly the to pay their large debts in a way the small debtor cannot pay his? It was said, that the value of our metallic currency must be raised: he had no objection to this; but let it be a whole currency, and not a partial one. Let it be a universal tender for sums great and small, and not a currency for only a part of the community. Mr. GORHAM said that the great object of the bill was to introduce the circulation of a certain description of coin already used to a great extent in our country. The course of trade connected the United States with Mexico, and we consequently received large quantities of their coin. This, though taken as coin in Mexico, when it arrived in the United States was only bullion. The dollars of that republic were in this treated as nothing more than so many bars of silver. The gentlemen who were opposed to the bill seemed to forget that the coins Mr. WILDE said it was with great reluctance he rese to speak upon this bill. He should have suffered it pass in silence would his duty have permitted. He ha been placed, two years since, upon a select committee the House to whom was referred the subject of the na tional coin, and although he did not enjoy the same house at the present session, the result of former investigation led him to believe that this bill ought to pass. He wor not, indeed, pledge himself for the entire accuracy every feature of it, because he had not minutely examin ed all its provisions. It was obvious that since the time the passage of the law regulating the weight and finese of the dollar of the United States, a great change taken place in our currency. The milled dollars Spain were no longer legal coin, and the Mexican dolla of Great Britain and France, and the Spanish milled dol- and those of other South American states, had come lar, were all a legal tender until the year 1827. The whole history of our commerce and domestic transactions went clearly to show that no inconvenience was suffered from rendering foreign coins a legal tender in this country. We had the light of experience to guide us. The plan was not a new one: it only put back the country where it had been before the expiring of a former law. The bill contained some limitations, which the gentleman from New York [Mr. FILLMORE] did not seem entirely to understand. The burden of proof was, it was true, cast entirely upon the debtor, who wished to pay his debt in foreign coin. So it had been under the former law, yet no inconvenience attended such an arrangement. The gentleman also desired that this foreign coin might be made a tender as well for small sums as large ones. [Mr. FILLMORE here explained. He only wished that foreign coins should be freely current in this country; and he had suggested what he conceived to be a defect in the provisions to make them so.] their place. The coin of Colombia was the only one these which had been debased: that of the other new states in the South was of a better quality than our own The banks of course preferred to pay out dollars of the description, because they made one-half per cent.b the transaction: and hence the gentleman from Rhon Island [Mr. BURGES] thought that a conclusive object arose to the bill. That gentleman had said that he obta ed at the bank no more than ninety-nine dollars and half for a one hundred dollar bill: and he had ask whether he could pass these by tale for more than a d lar a piece? Certainly he could not; but if he wou take his ninety-nine and a half Mexican dollars to the m he would get one hundred American dollars or two he dred half-dollar pieces for them. No injustice, therefor was done to him. He might, indeed, have to wait a Ett but that was the only inconvenience he would susta This showed the importance that the mint should co the bullion sent to it with as little delay as possible. A the advantage from the bill would be, that when amount of Mexican dollars came in, they might be dept ited in bank, and there remain as specific deposite, ardi issued again without the expense and delay of re-com for, if made a legal tender, it would answer all the purpos of American coin. This would be a great convenien to our banks, and a great facility in our commerce, wh it produced no injury whatever to the community. Mr. W. thought there was an obvious advantage nying the use of this foreign coin for the minor circulat Mr. GonHAM resumed in reply. There were some reasons why foreign coin should not be current in the payment of small debts. The effect would be in a great measure to exclude the circulation of our own coin. The Mexican dollar was not exactly equal to ours: it was worth a little more; and that was a reason why they ought not to go by tale. It was intended to restrict their use as a legal tender to sums over $100. They would then be used chiefly by the banks, who had their own modes of proof as to the fineness of the coin. It was impossible for our national mint, at present, to coin enough silver of the country. Such an arrangement would keep ape coin for the use of the community. Mr. G. said he had come on from Boston with a gentleman who had taken 500,000 Mexican dollars to the mint, to get them re-coined. This was an expense to the nation, without any corresponding benefit. No alarm or difficulty of any kind would attend the adoption of a plan like that proposed in the bill: the country was full of this Mexican money; and it would be a great facility to the banks, and all engaged in business on a large scale, to have it rendered current by law. Mr. BURGES said that his chief objection was to the necessity of weighing the coin. If a man took a hundred dollar bill to a bank and demanded specie for it, if he was paid in Mexican dollars, he got no more than ninety-nine and a half of them for his bill; yet these dollars, when he wanted to use them, passed for no more than so many in d that circulation for our own coin when the circulation bank notes of a small denomination should be curtado This must be the result, because our own coin being an established and certain value, its use would of coun supersede that of a coin whose value was uncertain, being fixed by law. It must, however, be acknowledg that our own coin had been deteriorated by abrasion, pe haps to the amount of twenty per cent., yet it contiene to pass by tale. And it was desirable that the minor ci culation of the community should be carried on in o own coin. It was, indeed, a prerequisite to such a state of thing that the circulation of bank notes of small denominala should be curtailed. This was the doctrine of the Pres dent, of his Secretary of the Treasury, and of the Cor mittee of Ways and Means: and in it Mr. W. heartil dollars of our own coinage; so that he lost half a dollar concurred. The present prevalence of such an opini by the transaction. Of course no man would take his was evidence of the progress that truth was making amon bill there. The character of the bill was retrograde; it us. Three years ago it was deemed unworthy even of a was for the few and against the many. A man that held inquiry: now it was the acknowledged theory of the half a million of these foreign dollars saved half a cent on Government, the administration desired to see it carrie every one of them. But if the money were made a law- into effect, and every body seemed to concur in sticl ful tender, and allowed to pass by tale, trade would take wish. As to the matter of assay, there was no such g care of itself. It was a bill enabling bankers and cap- inconvenience connected with it as some gentlemen see italists to sell bullion at a gain of one-half per cent., and led to apprehend. Annual assays were made of MAY 2, 1834.] poses. South American coin, and they presented one uniform ous that a jury would presume the money to be good, result. The dollars were found to hold the same fineness why not make it so by law, as was done in relation to the as formerly. Supposing, then, the tender to be made at Spanish dollars? In practice this money was now in cirhe risk of the person tendering, that person had for his culation every where, and it was every where received, lecurity, first, the fidelity of the mints of Mexico, and in save by here and there a troublesome man. All that was the second place he had the annual assay of our own mint: wanted was a law to make the course of business, where and this annual assay was required by this bill to continue. this money was used, easy and certain. Such it would This security was amply sufficient for all practical pur- be if the dollars were allowed to pass by tale; but if the bill retained its present form, nothing but mischief could Mr. GORHAM replied to the objection of Mr. BURGES. ensue. The objection urged by the gentleman from That gentleman did not seem to understand the object of Rhode Island was, in his opinion, conclusive. There he bill, which was to retain a double advantage, that of was a vast amount of bank paper circulating, and the efmploying the foreign coin to be used in large transac-fect of this law would be to reduce it half per cent. in tons, and our own for those of a minor amount. If the value; would the House consent to do this? He trusted rentleman took the ninety-nine and a half dollars the not. Would they compel the holder of a hundred dollar anks gave him to the mint, he would get his hundred bill to take ninety-nine and a half silver dollars for it? It American dollars: but not if he attempted to use them in was said, indeed, that, if these dollars were weighed, no mall transactions. This was the very end intended: it loss would be sustained. True; but how was a man up in xcluded foreign coin from the minor circulation, leaving the mountains to get his money weighed? He went to ast open to our own: while it availed itself of the use of the bank to get his note changed, and the bank would te foreign silver amongst us for the purposes of com- give him no more than ninety-nine and a half dollars for erce. Were the foreign dollars allowed to pass in small it: unless he would take this, he must keep his bill. Thus I well as large transactions, the American would of the banks would make money out of the farmers. Could urse be exported. they carry their bills all the way to the mint? Were genMr. COULTER said this was a bill the effects of tlemen serious in proposing to them such an alternative? thich reached every man in the country: he would, A measure which thus went to injure the humblest of his erefore, offer a word or two in regard to it: for no constituents should never receive his sanction. Mr. C. kiom should be more implicitly followed than that every said he had great respect for the gentleman from Massaof a general character and operation ought to be well chusetts, [Mr. GORHAM,) and relied much on the informaad ripely examined. If the gentlemen who introduced tion he possessed on all subjects connected with trade bill into the House expected it was to pass without and commerce; but that gentleman was mistaken in sup. amination, they would find themselves disappointed: posing that these Mexican dollars lay in the banks as bulid he must beg gentlemen who assumed to understand lion, Such was not the case beyond the mountains: there e whole subject so well, to allow others to understand the dollars circulated freely by tale; he presumed the walso. The objection urged by the gentleman from same was the case throughout the country generally. ew York [Mr. FILLMORE] had great force: and it had This coin answered, in practice, all the purposes of mo. been removed. The provisions of the bill must be ney, and would continue to do so unless this bill should roductive of great inconvenience in common business. operate to prevent it. He hoped, therefore, that the bill he House was told by the gentleman from Massachusetts would be so amended as to allow the foreign dollars to be Ir. GORHAM] that the plan of making foreign coin a a tender by tale, without requiring every piece to be gal tender was not new. No doubt every body knew t foreign coin had been formerly made a legal tender the United States: nor had Mr. C. any objection to its ang done again: but let it be done according to the #mer usage, and let not gentlemen introduce a new stem which the people did not understand. Let the Jins pass by tale, as they did by the old law, and there Buld be no difficulty in the case. But this bill provided at they must not only pass by weight, but be also of a Stain fineness. A gentleman had assured them that weighed. Mr. SELDEN said that the information he possessed, on the subject under discussion, he received from practical men, who understood the operation of this sort of currency in matters of trade and contract. By such men, the plan of making the foreign coin a legal tender was decidedly approved. He should first say a few words in reply to what had just fallen from the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. COULTER.] The gentleman was alarmed at the thought that his constituents would get only ninety is would be attended with no inconvenience, because nine and a half dollars for a hundred dollars worth of ere was no debasement of the Mexican coinage. If bank bills. There was an easy remedy for this difficulty. th were the fact, why require it to be assayed? Why Let them present their money by fifty dollars at a time, make its good quality the basis of certain legislation? and they would receive its full amount in American silver If there was no debasement at the foreign mints, why without any loss whatever. Two minutes would be sufot let their coin pass by tale? Why not let credit be ficient to remove the whole difficulty. As to what his iven to the stamp it bore? Then the present law would esemble all former laws for the like purpose. The gen leman from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] insisted that there would be no difficulty, because the assay was repeated at colleague [Mr. FILLMORE] had urged about the necessity of making the foreign coin a tender for small as well as large sums, and the inconvenience of compelling every man to weigh his money, he could answer that gentleman, er mint every year; and no man would refuse these coins that this sort of coin never would be employed in the when tendered but a man who previously desired to give small contracts of every day business. It was not intend. rouble. But suppose a man did desire to give trouble, ed to be introduced in reference to them; but only in nd another went and tendered to him an amount of these those vast contracts which were continually occurring in breiga dollars, in what position would he stand? The the money transactions of so great a country as ours. In aw required that the coin should be of a certain prescri- these the contractors would, indeed, be compelled to bed degree of fineness. How was the holder to prove take these foreign coins, but only at their real value as fis? Would it do to give in evidence the laws of Mexi- ascertained by quality and weight. If this money should How could he give the assay at Philadelphia as be made to pass by tale, they would be exposed to forproof of the quality of the coin he offered? Mr. C. could eign adulteration. It would not do to compel ourselves bt see how he was to prove its quality unless he had the to receive them by their impress alone, but there could very pieces themselves assayed. If it should be answered be no danger if both the weight and the value were that the fact of the fineness of these dollars was so notori fixed. This was done by the bill in its present form; H. or R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 2, 1831. to be both weight and fineness were provided for, and the mo- exported American coin to the amount of all that was now ney was to be received only at its true and actual value, in the country. The appropriation bill of the present neither more nor less. He admitted that if our own session contained an item of 58,671 dollars to cover the coinage was sufficient in amount to meet the debts of our annual expenses of our mint: why should so large a sum population, there would be no necessity for such a bill as be expended every year in coining dollars only the present; but instead of being equal to the amount re-exported? If this bill should become a law, the value of quired by the business transactions of the country, it fell foreign coins would immediately be raised; and as the $400,000,000 short of it. Our own coinage did not ex- people would not take them from the banks at this en ceed $4,000,000; would gentlemen leave their constitu-hanced valuation, the banks of course would retain the ents with but one-quarter of a cent to pay a debt of a dol- foreign money, and export our own. This was the ne Jar? The South American coinage now supplied three- cessary and natural result. The Government would do, fourths of the circulation of the world, and yet in this in respect to our own silver coin, what was at present country we had no legal use of it. Ought such a state of done in regard to our gold. Under such an arrangement things to continue? Surely not. Let the money be re- they never could get more, but rather less, of our own ceived, but only at its actual value. As to the burden of coinage into circulation, because they in fact offered proof, it was certainly a just presumption that the coin premium of half per cent. upon its exportation, and re tendered was of the proper weight and fineness, and the stricted that of foreign dollars to precisely the proof that it is not ought to be thrown upon the person amount. refusing the tender. But in practice such a case scarcely Mr. WHITE, of New York, now proposed that the ever occurred. The bill, he was very sure, would meet further consideration of the bill be for the present postthe approbation of the business men. Almost the whole poned. He said that the gentleman who had just spoken, commercial community was crying out for some such ar- and himself, had the selfsame object in view, viz: to re rangement as the bill provided. He hoped it would be-tain the circulation of our own coinage in the country, an come a law. to send the foreign money abroad; by which means we Mr. S. JONES advocated the bill. The gentleman should retain the balance of value. He agreed that the from Pennsylvania, [Mr. CouLTER,] he observed, was un-fifty-eight or sixty thousand dollars now annually der an impression that there could be no need of passing pended on coining at the mint was little better tha such a bill as the present, because the foreign dollars thrown away, and would be, so long as the present lass passed currently from hand to hand, at least in some continued in force. The origin of the present bill w parts of the country. It might be very true that this to be found in a fact which took place in the city of Nem sort of coin passed by courtesy; but if a man was disposed York: the Branch Bank of the United States, in that esty to be troublesome, he might refuse to receive it, and the with two millions of specie in its vaults, had a sum of fil bill was necessary as a means of compelling him. The ty thousand dollars to pay, and offered Mexican dolla coins were not at present a legal tender; and if a man their real value, and they were refused. Another of th insisted upon standing on his rights, he could create a banks there, out of six hundred thousand dollars in coim great deal of embarrassment and difficulty. This bill which lay in its vaults, had twenty-five thousand dollars would prevent the banks from troubling their creditors; these foreign dollars. The same was the case in all com or the people, on the other hand, from perplexing the commercial cities. Those who had framed and intr banks, by obliging both to receive the coins tendered at duced this bill had the sanction of all the banks in New their true value. Mr. J. regretted that the operation York, Boston, and Philadelphia, in favor of the me of the bill was to be confined to a period of three years. ure, besides the personal experience of such of them He saw no need of any such limitation, nor could he per- were engaged in business. ceive the good consequences of restricting the tender to Mr. DENNY said that he was not entirely satisfied w sums over $100; but he should not insist upon these objec- all the provisions of the bill. He had no objection to tions. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. COULTER] as far as it went; but he was opposed to this species was opposed to the bill, because it enabled the banks to legislation. It was not for the benefit of the country pay $100 with only $994 in these coins of South America. general, but only to remove the difficulties experienc But if the $99 of Mexican coinage was really equal in by the banks in our great cities. He admitted that it w value to 100 of our own dollars, where was the injustice? beneficial to banks, merchants, and brokers who dealt If the two sums were of equal value, where was the harm large amounts of money. He wished to see its benefi of exchanging the one for the other? They would both more extended; he wanted them to be dispensed to th command the same amount in gold. If the Mexican coin interior as well as the Atlantic cities. Let the bene was purer, it was worth more, and ought to pass for pervade the whole country, and be equally enjoyed e more. The bill prescribed no limit to the measure of its ery where. As the bill now stood, it certainly could n fineness; it only set a limit below which it must not have the effect of retaining our own coin; because it ga pass; and the coin, in fact, was always of this degree of currency to a foreign coinage which must displace o fineness. No injustice, therefore, was done on either hand. Mr. KING, of Pennsylvania, said that there was one objection to this bill which had not been mentioned. Its real purport was to raise the value of foreign coin in the United States. Hitherto, when silver coin had been ex ported, it had always been the foreign coin, and not that of our own coinage. But this bill would enable the banks to pass money of this description for more than it was worth, own. Every man would rather pay his debts in foren silver, because he would save half per cent. by it. hoped the bill would be amended. The question being put on Mr. WHITE'S motion postpone the bill, it was carried, and the bill was la over accordingly. GENERAL APPROPRIATION BILL. Mr. POLK asked the consent of the House to procee and of course our own dollars, being of less value, would to the consideration of the appropriation bill. go abroad, while the foreign were retained in the country. Mr. ADAMS, of Massachusetts, wished, he said, befer The present importation of silver was from six to seven the House resumed the subject, to obtain some informe millions: the exportation would of course be to the same tion on the item now under consideration, and objecte amount, as our own silver would not be needed for circu- to the motion. lation. The mint had been in operation long enough to Mr. POLK moved to suspend the rules for the purpos coin twice the amount of American dollars now in the of proceeding to the consideration of the bill, and it wa United States. The inference was that we must have agreed to. MAY 2, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. The House then went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. HUBBARD in the chair,) upon the general appropriation bill, the following clause being under consideration: "For the salaries of the charges des affaires to Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, Holland, Turkey, Belgium, Brazil, Huenos Ayres, Chili, Peru, Mexico, Central America, and New Granada, fifty-eight thousand five hundred dol Mars." [H. or R. ciple of economy; and hence our rule has ever been to maintain no diplomatic relations with any foreign Power, unless there be special occasion for it. As I wish to satisfy the committee that I do not prefer any unreasonable request, I will beg leave to refer to the course of our diplomatic proceedings at the first organization of the Government. In the year 1791, two years after the adoption of our constitution, before we had any ministers abroad, Presi - Mr. ADAMS rose and said: I observe that in this bill dent Washington, on the 14th of February, sent a mesthere are provisions for seven charges des affaires to sage to the Senate, informing that body that he had em. South America, besides one to Belgium. And I have ployed a private informal agent (Gouverneur Morris) to included this in the inquiry I put to the honorable chair-conduct a negotiation with the British Government. He man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, because the did not nominate him at that time as a minister. Afternewly instituted kingdom of Belgium is itself a novelty wards, on the 18th of February, in the same year, he sent the political world, and we have never before had an another message, stating that he had set negotiations on tem of this description in our appropriation bills. We foot with the Portuguese Government, (at which Court have already a mission in the Netherlands, that is, to Hol- we had already had a charge sent out under the old and. And the kingdom of Belgium is a mere separation Congress.) In this message he proposed Mr. Humphreys of a portion of the territory lately included in the United to be commissioned as minister resident, a grade of minisNetherlands, erected into a kingdom of the fourth or fifth ter which, in the diplomatic scale of European Governank in Europe. We have had commercial relations with ments, is reckoned of a rank between a charge and a hat country, of the greatest importance, ever since the minister plenipotentiary. A minister of this rank, rather oundation of this Government; and a diplomatic mission than a full minister, was preferred by President Washas been maintained there much of the time since our ington on considerations of economy. He was of a highmissions abroad were first instituted. But it was never er grade than a mere charge d'affaires, and not as high onsidered as a country of the first order; and, therefore, as a minister of the first grac grade; and his compensation, at te have seldom kept there a a minister of higher rank than that time, was the same with what is given now to tcharge d'affaires. Now the kingdom has been divided charge. The Portuguese Government did not choose to ato two, and we have two charges, at a joint cost to the negotiate with a minister of no higher rank than a charge Creasury of a minister of the highest rank. a d'affaires, and a resident minister was resorted to as the I do not doubt it is in the power of the chairman of the cheapest that would answer the purpose. Mr. HumJommittee on Foreign Affairs to give the House such in- phreys was confirmed by the Senate. I cite this case as brmation as may induce us to consent to the item as en-one which goes to show that this principle of economy irely proper; and I have the less reason to doubt this, as has been fundamental in our policy ever since the foundasee that there is a charge here from that kingdom. Still tion of the Government. tis no more than proper that the House should be in- The next mission established was that to France-a ormed why it is judged necessary to establish permanent Court where Mr. Jefferson had already been residing for elations between that country and this. And it is the three or four years, but had obtained leave of absence nore proper, because with Austria, one of the first coun- and come home, and was at that time Secretary of State. ries in Europe, an empire containing from twenty to From that period to 1792 we had no minister but a hirty millions of people, and claiming the first rank in charge at that Court. In 1792, a very critical period, he scale of European states, we have never had any di- being that of the extremest heat of the first French revoHomatic relations. At no time since the declaration of lution, President Washington nominated Mr. Gouverneur ur independence have we had even a charge residing at Morris minister plenipotentiary to France. The nominahat Court, with the exception of an appointment, during tion met with objections in the Senate; the subject was The revolutionary war, of a minister who was not received; referred to a committee, and they reported that, in their for have we had any mission to Germany, nor to the Re- opinion, there was a special occasion for a mission to public of Switzerland--a nation with whom, on general London. A motion was thereupon made that it was inprinciples, we might, as republicans, be expected to sym- expedient to appoint a minister plenipotentiary to any pathize more than with any other people of the old foreign Government. This resolution was offered immeWorld. Yet the Swiss Cantons have ministers at the other diately on the back of the President's nomination, so that Courts of Europe, and receive ministers in return. it would seem there was not much of the collar at that I might mention other countries to which similar re-time. Members felt no scruples then at bringing formarks would apply. We have had missions for many ward resolutions in open opposition to the opinions and years at the Courts of Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia. purposes of the President of the United States, though We have now no minister at the Prussian Court, although that President was George Washington. The Senate, as that kingdom maintains a charge with us. I mention will appear by what I shall now read to the committee, these cases with a view to show that it has never been advised and consented to the mission recommended by the principle of this Government to have missions in Eu President Washington, on the proof being furnished to Mr. ADAMS here read from the Executive journal of the rope unless there is special cause for them. The principle on which we have thus abstained has been that of economy alone; for, were it not for the expense, it would doubtless be considered expedient to have missions to every Government in Europe. It is with reference to this principle that I have made the present inquiry-a principle which is fundamental in the practice of this Resolved, [by yeas and nays, 16 to 11,] That the SenGovernment; I mean fundamental in its policy, not in the ate advise and consent to the appointment of Gouverconstitution; for there is nothing in the constitution to neur Morris, of New York, to be minister plenipotentiary prevent our maintaining five hundred foreign ministers, if for the United States at Paris, conformably to the nomiit were deemed expedient. Prudential considerations nation in the message. have prevented it, first on the part of the Executive, and The same course was pursued as to the mission to Lonthen on that of Congress. We have looked to the prin- don. The Senate settled the principle that they would H. or R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAT 2, 1834. not sanction a mission to any foreign Court, unless it should in fact, almost all the diplomacy of the country. But, first be proved to them that there was a special occasion although his question has this very extraordinary extert, for it. I should not be indisposed, nor, as I hope, unprepared, Then he recommended a minister resident at the Hague: in some good degree, to answer it, were it not for a a minister of lower rank. A resolution was moved that physical indisposition, which must disable any man (u there existed no present occasion for such a minister. less, indeed, it be the honorable gentleman from Ken On which resolution there was a tie, 13 to 13; and the tucky, Mr. CHILTON) to respond at large to such an fhe question was decided in the affirmative (that is, advising quiry. I might certainly, and that without just censure, and consenting to the appointment) by the Vice Presi- refuse to take the attitude of respondent on this occasio dent. This confirms still more the principle I assumed, nor do I assume it under any conviction of duty, but vo that there should be no appointment unless a special ne- untarily, from the desire which I at all times feel to com cessity should be made to appear. Although, in respect to France and England, the necessity was so obvious that little difficulty occurred, yet, as to Holland, there was an even vote. This was one of the principal reasons why I have asked the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations to show us some occasion for this mission to Belgium. ply with the wishes of the very highly respectable mem ber who has made the inquiry. The gentleman from Massachusetts had said that, f there was any body in that House who assumed the ground that, in calling for an appropriation for foreign irtercourse, the onus probandi did not lie on the Executive, he was confident that it would not be myself. Now! can only take this compliment, which I certainly esteem With regard to the South American missions, one reason why I desired to have the vote deferred was, that I very highly, as intended to have reference to my fidelts might have an opportunity to look at the documents, and to the trust reposed in me, in the station which it is my to show from them that it has ever been the sense, both lot to occupy. Yet I am compelled to declare that, Ja of this House and of the Executive, from the time our reference to the greater part of the missions provided f diplomatic relations were first formed, that a necessity in this bill, the burden of proof lies not on the Executive, must be shown before a foreign mission might be estab. who asks for the money, but on a member of the Hous lished; and further, that when that necessity should cease, who advocates its refusal. And why? To what depart the mission should also cease. I wished to show that ment is it that the constitution has confided the duty such was the sense of Mr. Monroe and of the House of deciding what shall be the diplomatic relations betwee Representatives during his administration. All on the this Government and Governments abroad? Are we pa principle of economy-a principle which, I hope, we ties participant in that duty and its correspondent obl have not discarded; or, if we have, that we shall speedily tion? We certainly should be; and coequal with the return to it. President in this department of the public service, were On this ground it is that I wish the honorable gentle- the principle advanced by the gentleman from Massa man from Virginia [Mr. ARCHER] to show us reasonable chusetts well founded. That gentleman goes upon the cause for all these South American missions. I have no ground that, before any foreign mission should be estab doubt the reasons he shall show will be entirely satisfacto- lished, the subject must first pass under our review, ar ry with respect to two or three of them, especially that have our approbation and concurrence. And is that the to Mexico. That country lies immediately upon our theory of the constitution? Suppose a certain foreig own border, and there are obvious reasons which render mission has been submitted to the Senate, approved t it expedient and proper that we should always have a them, and in existence for years, are we to presume minister at that republic. But I wish the gentleman to that mission is improper, and not to appropriate for turn his attention to those states which have no ministers until the contrary shall be shown? To put such a grew with us. From Mexico we have one. But there are tion is to answer it. And it would be sufficient, in answe others of these Governments which have not, and never, to an inquiry so large as that which has been propounded at any time, have had a minister in this country. Why to me by the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, to do we keep up diplomatic relations with them? say of all these missions but two, that it has been the judgment of the Executive department that they are ex pedient and proper, and that we have ministers now resi dent at these several Courts. As to Buenos Ayres, the question is peculiar: it is a different case from all the rest. I ask the gentleman to tell the committee what has become of our quarrel with Buenos Ayres. It was of such a nature that our charge What, sir, can a Government like ours, maintaining d'affaires, the brother of my honorable colleague over the numerous diplomatic relations with foreign Government way, [Mr. BAYLIES,] thought it proper to demand his pass- on both continents, justly be required to re-prove ever ports and come home-a step which is usually considered year the necessity of providing for each of its missiom as the signal for war between nations; a step for which abroad-missions, the propriety of which has long since I trust the gentleman will be able to give satisfactory been decided, and which have been maintained withou reasons. But I want to understand the present state of interruption for a series of years. Surely such a require that affair. We know nothing, as a House, of our rela- ment must be pronounced useless, if not wanton, and tions with these South American states. No communica- might be repelled as an outrage upon a co-ordinate de tion has been made to us on the subject; the whole sub-partment of the Government. I therefore say again ject is altogether unknown to us. I, for one, want that I should be fully authorized to answer, that those some information; and I ask it from the honorable chair- to whom the constitution has assigned the authority man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, because I judge, have decided that we ought to have ministerst have had some experience which leads me to conclude those Courts. But, though that answer woud be suf that I cannot get it elsewhere. ficient, and though I could, on this subject, appeal to Mr. ARCHER, in reply to Mr. ADAMS's inquiry, answer the authority of the gentleman from Massachusetts hi ed, in substance, as follows: self, I will not take that ground. What did the gentle I feel such an extreme degree of respect for my friend man say but a moment ago? ago? That there were other from Massachusetts, that I am obliged by his declaration, Courts, where we were now unrepresented, where we however it may contradict what I had previously thought, ought to have ministers resident. The gentleman as I had supposed that that honorable gentleman was the right. It is undoubtedly true, and nothing but a terror very last man in the House who stood in need of the in- of that temper on the part of this House, which the pres formation for which he had applied to me. I understand ent debate has so clearly exemplified, has prevented ca his inquiry to be so very large in its terms that it covers, having before now a diplomatic representative near the |