MAT 2, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. OF R. Austrian Government-a Government which is not only I put it to the gentleman from Massachusetts, if we had one of the most important upon the continent, but one received a message from the President, stating that such which has manifested a disposition to preserve and extend a request had been made by the Belgian Government, commercial relations with this country, and has even gone but that he had refused to send any minister, what would so far as to send a person to the United States with the that gentleman have said? Above all, what would he express view of negotiating a treaty with us. I hope we have thought and said had the President given as a reashall, before long, be represented at that Court; and I son for his determination that the mission would cost this am authorized to say, that, though that kingdom posses-country $4,500 a year? We have now here a minister ses but one commercial port, it is the desire and purpose from Belgium; we have with that country a great and of this Government to enlarge our commerce with her. growing commerce; and this appropriation is for a mere Should this take place, a minister will be indispensa- charge. Suppose the money should be refused, and the ble to conduct and watch over the interests of that com- advances of the Belgian Government repelled, will it not be a breach of the comity of nations? may it not lead to It is with the most unaffected surprise that I find any the interruption of our commerce? or at least to an auggentleman, above all, a gentleman so able, so enlightened, mentation of their tariff on our products? Would the and so experienced as the gentleman from Massachusetts, President be justified in hazarding these consequences and one who, as every body in this country knows, has for the sake of saving an annual salary of $4,500? What aver been remarkable for attaching a very high value would be the judgment of every sober-minded man upon o the importance of diplomatic relations, should advance merce. such policy? It would pronounce a merited sentence of un objection on this floor which goes to sweep away the unequivocal condemnation. entire diplomacy of this country, except as it relates to me or two Courts. For what has this Government intituted foreign relations at all? Is it not mainly for the I come now to the provisions for the South American missions. I could not but feel a good deal surprised that the gentleman from Massachusetts should be the person nterests of commerce? Our social economy, and the to object to the appropriation for these missions, when peculiar structure of our Government, have secured to he was himself at the head of that administration under very man in this country the full and exclusive fruits of which all the diplomatic relations we have with these is own industry; but to what use is this, unless some states were originally instituted. Nor did we then, as node should be provided, by which the benefits result- is now proposed, maintain only a charge d'affaires at ng from his industry and enterprise may become avail- these Courts. When that gentleman's administration came ble? If it were not for commerce, there would be little into power, they found three full ministers commissioned notive for a Government, situated as ours is, to maintain to South American Powers; and, so far from their disapmy diplomatic relations whatever. We send missions proving the arrangement, the honorable gentleman conbroad, to propose to other nations terms of commerce, tinued all these missions, and continued to fill them with • facilitate commercial intercourse, to reduce tariffs, and ministers of the same grade. I mention this, not as any hus prepare the way for the mutual enterprise of two imputation against him. I know, indeed, that many uniendly Powers. Am I to be told that a nation like this, founded censures were heaped upon him for this part of he richest save one upon the face of the globe, whose the policy of that administration. (I made many remarks tommerce is spread abroad over every sea, must suffer upon it myself, which I should be glad of an opportunity his highest interest of her citizens to languish, rather to disclaim.) The committee doubtless recollect that han appropriate the sum of $38,000? This is all that is one of the questions which then agitated this country sked for this whole array of missions, which has excited was, whether this Government ought or ought not to much solicitude in the mind of the honorable gentle-recognise the independence of the South American reDan from Massachusetts. publics. We did recognise it; and, in my judgment, we In reference to Governments where we have long had did wisely. Mr. Monroe, to give the greater effect to missions, and with whom we have extensive and valuable the recognition, sent ministers to those Powers, as he sommercial relations, it is manifest we must have agents had a perfect right to do. And it was certainly a sound watch over them. With respect to Belgium, I will tell line of policy. It was so on two grounds: first, as it tendhe gentleman why an item for that Government has been ed to establish their independence; and, secondly, as it nserted. It is well known that this country has had, for promised to extend our own commerce, and to secure to long series of years, an important commerce with Hol- our citizens important advantages in trade. Such a conand. Belgium is a portion of what formerly passed un-nexion with this country was viewed by those states der that name, but has been recently erected in a sepa- themselves as an object of importance; nearly all of them applied for it; they were anxious that diplomatic relaIf our interests with the two portions of that country, tions should be established between us; and we conceded when conjoined, were deemed worthy of preservation, to them what they had asked for. Does the gentleman why are they not equally so with each portion as now from Massachusetts recollect that the independence of separated? Can it be that our interests with one of those states has not, to this day, been recognised by the those Governments is not worth the expenditure of 4,500 Court of Spain? and that the good offices of this Govdollars a year? And what is this new state of which the ernment have been exerted to effect that object? Are gentleman from Massachusetts speaks so contemptuous- we to abandon the objects for which we instituted these rate Government. It is a state which occupies one of the most impor- relations in the first instance? Are we to disregard our fant stations in Europe--the ancient theatre of continen-community of interest with these states in a trade and tal wars, and the subject of complicated and protracted commerce equally beneficial to both? And for what? negotiations. The Belgian Government has sent its To save a few thousand dollars. I said that our commeragents to us, intimating a wish that diplomatic relations cial relations were mutually beneficial to both parties. should exist between the two Governments; and shall This, however, is true only to a certain extent. The we, when the Government of so rich and fertile a coun- chief benefit is on our side. We had commercial obtry, possessing such a commercial port as Antwerp, and jects to secure, in first instituting these missions. Those with which we already hold an extensive commercial in- Powers had none. They possessed little or no comtercourse, proposes to us the establishment of friendly re- merce; and what little they had was all contraband. And lations, refuse to meet its advances, and put at hazard all does the gentleman from Massachusetts think that a nasthe advantages we might gain, for the sake of avoiding cent commerce, still in its infancy, but rapidly increasthe expenditure of $4,500 a year? ing, does not need to be more assiduously watched over H. oF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAT 2, 1834. than one which has attained to the full vigor of establish-up diplomatic relations with that Government at an exed permanency? The gentleman cannot be aware that pense the honorable gentleman seems to shudder at. It the possession of the rising commerce of those South will cost us $4,500. American states is an object of earnest competition and Mr. ADAMS here interposed, to inquire why it was rivalry among the European Powers. He must know that, although the bill contained provisions for seven that Great Britain in particular, from having been too charges des affaires, there was none for Colombia? The open and unguarded in showing her extreme eagerness gentleman said our relations with that republic were uf to secure the boon, has become the subject of extreme such great value, how was it that, while he argued to jealousy on that ground; insomuch that the republic of show the necessity of our having a minister there, he Central America, in particular, has become almost hos- had inserted no provision for one? Two years ago, tile to the British Government. Their commerce, fed, deed, it was true that this republic of Colombia could not as it will be, by one of the richest countries on earth, is be found; now it seems the gentleman had found out expanding in geometrical progression; and are we to where it was. Why was it omitted in the bill? abandon such an object for the pitiful sum of $4,500? I Mr. EVANS said that it certainly was not proper that shall read to the committee a statement of the amount of our existing commerce with these Powers: and then I will put it to the gentleman from Massachusetts to say whether a trade like this is to be sacrificed to the rivalry of foreign Powers. Mr. A. here submitted the following statement from the Treasury Department: Statement of the imports from, and of the exports to, the the several South American States, in the year ending on Exports. Imports. Domestic. Foreign. Total. matters of so much consequence should be acted up with so thin a House. He observed that many gentlemen would vote to go into committee at 12 o'clock, wha never appeared in the House again till about 5 o'clock, when they came in to vote stoutly against the rising of the committee. He believed the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. ARCHER] was willing that the subject should be postponed, and he trusted that the gentleman from Mas sachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] would also consent to wait a linie longer for the information he had asked for. He there fore moved that the committee rise, that the House mig proceed to the business on the Speaker's table. Mr. POLK requested Mr. Evans to withdraw his mo tion; but he refusing to do so, the question was taken and the motion was negatived: Ayes 57, noes 75. Mr. ADAMS said that, as the republic of Colombis has been discovered, why, he asked again, was it not named in this bill? The gentleman thought it a Power of a much importance that we ought to send there a ministen $1,166,856 81,634,353 722,409 $2,356,762 of the highest grade. Where was it? He did not res 139,628 644,112 361,499 1,005,611 5,452,818 1,649,314 3,751,777 5,401,091 it in the bill. Colombia, Central America, Brazil, Argentine republic, Chili, 1,524,622 439,984 517,559 957,543 Mr. ARCHER said that it was in the bill. The mistake Peru, 654,630 TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Register's Office, May 15, 1834. T. L. SMITH, Register. 575,016 was on the side of his honorable friend from Massachu 3,272,121 setts. The republic of Central America had been broken 699,728 into three distinct states, viz: Venezuela, New Granada. 1,463,940 and Ecuador. The Government did not ask for a missiet to that country, and strange indeed it would be if it h not done so. Mr. A. was told by our former minister there (Mr. Moore) that living at Bogota was very expen sive, and the salary of even a full minister would be not too large; it was proposed, however, to allow for charge only. The gentleman would find in the bill With regard to the republic of Central America, (con-item for a charge to Venezuela. So far was the Got tinued Mr. A.) so strong is the feeling of dislike towards ernment from being chargeable with extravagance in the English that every facility is open to an advantage- appropriations for South America, that the gentlema ous treaty with this country. But it is very difficult for seemed now disposed rather to complain of it for havin us, or any other Power, to get a minister there, because omitted to put more in the bill. When the item for Co such is the unhealthiness of the region through which lombia had formerly been proposed, it was suggested a they must pass, that the most of those who set out for that an objection that the whole republic did not contain a sa Court die upon their way. gle seaport. This ground must now be abandoned; ad I remember that this subject of the republic of Colom-since the republic had been discovered, it had als bia occasioned a somewhat amusing scene in this House been ascertained to possess many very important seapor a few years ago. The whole House, including such men Mr. A. would take this opportunity of reading to th as my honorable friend from Massachusetts, was at that honorable gentleman a list of them, together with a state time wholly ignorant of the geography of this new state. ment showing the population of each of these statc One member inquired what were its commercial rela-as ascertained from the best sources within his reach; a tions? And this led to an inquiry from another, as to also the trade, as taken from the last returns to th what were its ports? or, whether there was a single com- Treasury. mercial port belonging to that Government? None could Venezuela had not fewer than seven seaports, Net answer these inquiries, because none knew with preci- Granada had three, Ecuador but one of importance. sion what were the territorial limits of that state. I did repared; and not know them--the Department of State did not. But I am now better prepared; and if the gentleman from Massachusetts wishes to propound the same inquiry he put to me on that occasion, I am in circumstances to answer it. Its ports are numerous, and its trade so important, that it is obvious to any one acquainted with the facts, that the avenues to that trade should be kept open to our citizens. But this can only be done by keeping The General Appropriation Bill. 40,000 10,000 20,000 [H. oF R. quite a different thing; no man can calculate or conjecture the rapidity of its increase, or the greatness of its future amount. Now, there is not one of these southern Governments in which there is not, present and active, a rival interest to ours, seeking in every way to undermine us, and to obtain a commercial treaty to our Population. prejudice. 3,000 5,000 20,000 San Blas, (on the Isthmus,) ( These three are very in Porto Bello, Chagres, Panama, (on the Pacific,) S Bonaventura, (inconsiderable.) Ecuador, he trade was as follows: considerable places. 8,000 As to this republic of Colombia: Great Britain, our great commercial rival, maintains a minister at Bogota, and gives him 30,000 dollars a year, besides a consul general with a salary of 10,000 dollars, and another consul at Carthagena. Are we, then, to shrink from the appropriation of 4,500 dollars, to counteract such opponents? What would be the consequence to the interests of this country, if Great Britain should succeed in estabPopulation. lishing commercial relations with such a country as that, to her benefit and injurious to us? And what would be the blame inevitably and justly cast upon an administration that should permit such arrangements to be made before their eyes, for the sake of saving a poor allowance of 4,500 dollars a year? 30,000 790,000 1,300,000 600,000 - $1,523,622 I have thus shown, (said Mr. A.) to the satisfaction, I st, of the committee, and of my honorable friend from There is one consideration which applies to all these South American Governments. It is more important that we should have diplomatic relations with them than with the Governments of the old world. In support of which position, it is sufficient to state that there is not one of them where our citizens have not pending claims for spoliations; not, indeed, for vessels and cargoes taken upon sachusetts, first from the population, and then from the high seas, but for injuries done to us by seizures after trade of this republic of Colombia, as now subdivided, our vessels had entered their ports. Suppose us to have we ought to have diplomatic relations there, even no minister there, and these acts of unlawful violence ough it should cost us the unconscionable sum of $4,500 should take place upon the commerce of our citizens, fear to maintain them. Although I am a great advo- what remedy should we have? The citizen injured would te for economy, and hope that the honorable gentle- make his protest. Should we send our demand for rewill stand by his principle of never consenting to an dress through a consul? The answer would be, we repropriation till its propriety and necessity be shown, gret the occurrence, but our Government is too poor to I am such a very heretic that I should be willing to compensate the loss. But if we had a minister present stain three charges des affaires, one to each of these at their Court, either the injury would not be attempted, Wernments, rather than jeopard our trade with this or one menace from him would be sufficient to prevent its of the South American continent: a country con- being consummated. They know and dread the power ing a dozen seaports, a population of four millions of of our navy. Why, sir, it is but to-day that I was told uple, and a commerce amounting already to four mil- of a cargo worth $200,000 which had been lost in this s of dollars. With a disposition certainly not too very way. Will not $4,500 have been well spent, should indly to the present administration, I yet cannot find it prevent but one such loss as that? in my heart to say that, in this branch of the public I have peculiar reasons for wishing to discharge my wice, they want to spend too much of the public duty fully on this occasion, because it is the last time that I shall occupy the position I now fill in relation to the And now, sir, for Mexico. We had a full minister to business of the House. I might have repelled the inquiGovernment under the administration of my honora. ries of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, by friend from Massachusetts. We have now but a saying, simply, that our citizens had unsatisfied claims on uge d'affaires. This country possesses a commerce all these Governments; and that it would be monstrous, imports of four millions, and in exports of three mil- under such circumstances, to refuse the appropriation of ns of dollars. Ought an interest like this to be expo- four thousand five hundred dollars to protect their interunprotected, to the rivalry of other commercial na-ests. I might well be pardoned, did I express in stronger AB, to avoid the annual charge of 4,500 dollars? I have terms my surprise at the unusual mode of treating a bill ard it said that our commercial interests with the Mexi- for such objects, which has been pursued on the present Government may be as well, or sufficiently well, occasion by that gentleman. He well knows all the views Mected by consuls. Suppose we had a consul there. I have stated. He knows them better than I, and his ald he supervise all our interests with that Govern- mind has been filled with the soundest conclusions in relaent on a less salary than 4,500 dollars? We give our tion to the whole subject. mey. msuls 2,000 dollars. Would any man competent to the He will not deny that we ought to have diplomatic relarge accept it on such terms? No, sir; if it is to be lations wherever we have extensive and valuable comone by consuls, we must have them in all the principal merce; and, par excellence, with the states of South saports; and then their salaries will amount to more America. The very fact that the Governments of those man is asked for this charge. I say that to resort to a states remain yet unsettled, and that the hand of a destarge d'affaires to the Government of Mexico is an ex- potic anarchy clutches all that can be reached by transient edient of economy; and the honorable gentleman ought power, is the strongest reason why it is expedient that )support rather than resist it. The opposite plan goes we should have at the ear of each succeeding chief who a narrow view of economy, and whoever advocates it rises for a day to the seat of power, a representative of mistaken as to the true interests of our commerce in this Government, who shall whisper in his ear, "Keep be southern hemisphere. Commerce with old coun-your hands off the property of my countrymen; if you ies is, comparatively, a fixed thing; but with new coun- touch it, I shall invoke a visit from our vessels of war: ies, such as the liberated states of South America, it is and, when they appear, you will have to relinquish all VOL X.-246 H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAT 2, 1834 you take." Should an intimation like this reach the ap- a country whose trade already has reached the amount, prehension of any one of those mushroom despots who in imports, of four millions of dollars-and, in exports, af wield in succession the puny forces of those Governments, three millions. Its territory is nearly as large as our ow I pretend to say yes, sir, I "take the responsibility" to it possesses a soil of unrivalled fertility, and compris. predict there is not one of them but would hold off his the advantages of all climates and of all products. From hand. Let him but understand that any one of the ves- these circumstances, it is obvious, not only that its com sels of our gallant navy, be it but the smallest schooner, merce is destined to be great, but that this will happen is within call, he will be careful how he touches American in a very short time; and, from the affinity of their re persons or property. And, although I profess to be as tutions to our own, we are warranted in the expectation much the friend of economy as the honorable gentleman that we shall be placed on the footing of the most favoren from Massachusetts, I do think that four thousand five nation. Besides this, we have now pending with the hundred dollars will be well spent, if it save but one Power a special negotiation on the subject of boundary ship's cargo, or one American seaman, from the ruffian The propriety, and even necessity, of having the In grasp of one of those puny potentates. which separates the two countries distinctly ascertaine The gentleman from Massachusetts said, if I remember and permanently fixed, is manifest, as being one of rightly, that, when President Monroe instituted these best securities against dispute and collision with the neigh South American missions, the understanding was, that boring Government; and, should we withdraw our dipa they were shortly to be dispensed with. If so, I ask, matic relations, after having commenced so imperia why did not the gentleman himself, who was Mr. Mon- negotiation, we shall expose ourselves to the haby roe's successor, dispense with them? I will assume the losing a large tract of one of the richest and most favore gentleman's answer to be this, as I doubt not it will be: portions of the habitable earth. I say this deliberatel that the interests of this country (and to those interests 1 for if I were called upon to select any portion of th always believed him to be honestly devoted, and am glad earth's surface which was fitted by nature to become of having this opportunity to say so) forbade him to dis-garden-spot of the globe, I should, without hesht pense with them. The reason was a sound one, and it point to the province of Texas. is a sound one still; and sure I am that, were the honora- I come, next in order, to the proposed charged ble gentleman now at the head of the Government, he would not dispense with one of these missions. Here are states occupying a region whose fertility, compared to that of other portions of the globe, is as Mesopotamia to the sands of Lybia-filled with a people just broken loose from the bonds of political and com faires to the Government of Buenos Ayres. The gent man from Massachusetts intimated to the committee, well as to myself, that the principal object he had view, in urging the very extensive inquiry he has ma was founded on the special relations of the Amend Government to that of the Arg Argentine Republic. mercial vassalage, and with whom all the Governments of subject I shall compress what I have to say into a the old world are seeking connexions, both commercial space. It is true, as the gentleman stated, that and political; with whom we were the first to institute brother of a colleague of his, who had been sent as diplomatic relations, which relations the gentleman from late minister to that Power, [Mr. BAYLIES,] did aggra Massachusetts was the first to ratify; and yet, he now the feelings of that Government in his communication finds fault that a paltry sum of money is asked to keep up it on the subject of the Falkland islands, and that wi our connexions with them. They are states whose inde- altercation arose as induced him to demand his passpi pendence we were the first to acknowledge; states whose and to return home; and the gentleman from Massa commerce is destined to be the most extensive upon the setts asks whether this committee will consent, globe; states who view the Governments that are com- such circumstances, to send another minister to that G peting for it with great and growing jealousy, and who ernment? In reply to this inquiry, I have to say that entertain no such jealousy of us. And are we to throw salary is asked only as a contingency, and that there is away all the advantages of such a position? For what? the least danger of a minister being sent out until a Why, truly, because, if we retain them, they will cost us ferent state of things shall exist. There are reas a matter of thirty-eight thousand dollars a year. however, to believe that a different state of things If we refuse to maintain diplomatic relations with these exist. Almost immediately after the return of Mr. I Powers, there will not be a ship, or a vessel of any kind, lies, an intimation was sent by that Government t which the honorable gentleman's fellow-citizens of New Department of State, that a minister would sherly England shall freight with "notions," but will be exposed despatched to this Government, to resume the nig to the most imminent danger. Such political agitations tions here; and it is but a short time since, that tha and such lawless despotism prevail almost every where surance was repeated; and this Government is throughout that region, that no cargo will be insured but ing for the arrival of such a minister, before it can del at an augmented premium. But if we have a minister what step shall be taken in the affair. whe can interpose in time, and say to the miscreant who The gentleman from Massachusetts says that no wi for the moment may hold the reins of power, and may be ter should be sent on our part until the present stars about to lay his hand upon the property of our citizens, things is changed, and in that position I entirely cor "have a care; you know not to what you expose your- But I say to him in reply, that a message, such as la self; within my call is a naval force which, in a few hours, mentioned, justifies this Government in being prepa will batter your town about your ears," my word for it, to send a minister to the Government of Buenos A our merchants may venture their goods in security. in case that Government shall send their minister h There is not the smallest vessel in our navy that may not Suppose the Argentine minister should arrive in defy these petty Powers, and whose lightest threat will country just after the rising of Congress, must the Ea not be respected. And will you give up a rich and utive wait until next session before he sends a corresp growing commerce, under such circumstances, on the ing mission on our part? Does the gentleman forget! sapient principle of saving thirty-eight thousand dollars? we have large claims on that Government? And s Having made these general remarks in reference to the Government of Colombia, I come now to Mexico. these be lightly jeoparded or abandoned? I have? son to believe that it is not the design of the Execu send out a charge until a minister shall arrive, but lu The gentleman asks why we propose to send a minister to the Mexican Government? I will tell the gentleman. as soon as that takes place, one will be sent; and, ch We propose it for all the reasons which I have just given subject of the claims of our own citizens, I have my in relation to the Governments of South America. It is received several urgent communications during the pi MAY 2, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. or R. ent session. I admit, with the gentleman from Massachu- tory explanations respecting them had been now submitsetts, that, after a minister of the United States has been ted by the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. so treated, at any foreign Court, as to conceive himself No motion had been made to strike out either of them. bound, from respect to his own Government, to demand And, as the bill had now been nearly gone through with, his passports and return home, it is not the Govern- he hoped the committee would, without delay, proceed ment of the United States who should renew the nego. with the remaining paragraphs, when he should move, in tiation; but, unless the injury has been of a nature and the House, that the bill and amendments be printed and an importance such as to justify war, is that a good rea- laid upon the tables of members. The discussion had son why this Government should not be prepared to been a very proper one, but he trusted it was now over, resume negotiations, when it can do so with self-respect? and that the bill would be brought into the House during And should we not be even the more ready to do so? the present sitting. He did not deny the right of the supposing the agent of that Government shall come here House to withhold the appropriation of salaries for foreign and say, We regret what is past, and wish to re-establish ministers; but it certainly required a strong case to justify iendly relations between the two Governments; and that such an interposition of its power. he President shall say, in reply, I wish it too, but I have Mr. ADAMS said that, if the inquiry he had proposed means to re-establish any diplomatic intercourse, nor had produced no other effect than to obtain the explanahall I till a whole year has expired. Does the gentle- tions now submitted by the honorable chairman of the san wish to place our Chief Magistrate in such an atti-committee, he should have felt himself perfectly justified ude before a foreign Government? There is reason to in having propounded it. Those explanations, he did elieve that a minister is coming. And, in addition to not doubt, had been, in many respects, entirely satisfacist, let me say to that gentleman, that the subject which tory to the committee. They certainly had been, to a as the cause of difference between the two Govern-great extent, satisfactory to himself. His object had ents has since then passed away. The ground of quar- been to obtain them, because they were explanations was an alleged aggression on the Falkland islands; which he could not obtain in any other way. I never inut now, if we want to have any controversy about those tended (said Mr. A.) to move to strike out appropriations ands, we must go to London. On the whole, I say that in those cases where the missions were now existing. My is eminently desirable that our difficulties with that object was in respect to all the items, save that for a misower should be brought to an end, as many of our citi- sion to Buenos Ayres, to procure such information as ans have languished for years for want of the existence might justify the committee in retaining them. diplomatic relations between that republic and our with respect to Buenos Ayres, I expressly stated that I . And we owe it to our own citizens, if we do not considered that as a special case, differing essentially from any one else, that those relations should be re-estab- the rest. And I must say, that the explanations given by hed as soon as it can be done with propriety. Were the honorable chairman on that subject have not been ere but a single merchant whose property is at hazard satisfactory to me, whatever they may have been to the want of our being represented there, we are bound committee; and I therefore move to amend the bill by Prelieve him, if it can rightfully be done. Our missions to two of these southern Courts (Buenos pres and Chili) have been vacated; and, in respect to em, the inquiry of the honorable gentleman is entirely tinent. Although we have nothing to do with the pointing power, we may with propriety inquire of the secutive, Why must you have money for this mission, hich is now vacant? But I repeat now the position I fore assumed, that, when an appointment has been Insummated, we ougl ought not to put such an inquiry, unless have reason to suppose that there has been some use. In that case, I freely admit that it belongs to this dy, as the representatives of the people, to disregard e etiquette of forms, and at once to interpose. But, here there is a vacancy, and the appointing power has spoken, it is clearly competent for this House to say, do not choose to grant the money. I have explained as to Buenos Ayres; and now, in ref But striking out both outfit and salary of a charge d'affaires to that Government. I stated that I made this motion on particular grounds. But, before I advert to them, I must notice one position taken by the honorable chairman at the commencement of his speech, which was a confirmation of the principle previously advanced by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, [Mr. POLK,] viz: that the burden of proof, proof, in reference to an appropriation demanded for a foreign inission, rests not on the Executive who asks for such an appropriation, but on any member of the House of Representatives who may be opposed to granting the money. Now, sir, I protested against this assumption when it was first made by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, and I am not satisfied with it as reaffirmed and now explained by the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. And I will say of that gentleman, as he was pleased to say of myself respecting ence to Chili, the same reason holds respecting our another matter, that he was the very last gentleman in aportant commercial relations with that Power. We this House from whom I should have expected the avowive the most growing trade with the Government of al of such an opinion. Why, sir, what is it? It amounts ili that we now enjoy with any foreign country; a to nothing short of this-that, if the head of a Departade yet more worthy of being cherished than even that ment shall come and ask this House for money, the Brazil, because it is in the important article of flour House is bound, as of course, to give it to him, or to show nd bread-stuffs, the most valuable article grown by the that he does not need it. If that is sufficient, the Dekople of the United States, and one of which the Euro-partments can get what money they please; for a ean market has, in a great measure, been lost. member in this House is seldom in circumstances which This, sir, is all I have to say in reply to the inquiries of enable him to prove that the money is not required. Nor he gentleman from Massachusetts. I have done it in a way can there be any distinction between the Departments in thich I will say ought to be satisfactory to that gentle- this respect. If one has it, they all have. It is very true, san and to the committee; for I will not indulge in that that it is a part of the Executive duty, by and with the dock modesty which affects to be dissatisfied with truth consent of the Senate, to appoint foreign ministers, and that, when they have been so appointed, there is a sort of nd reason. Mr. POLK observed that all the missions for which obligation upon this House to make appropriations to bese appropriations were asked, were missions already pay them. But, on that subject, I have before me a resoexistence, and not now for the first time inserted in lution of the House of Representatives (which I had inhe bill. They were all for appointments which had been tended to use for another purpose) the principle of evised and approved by the Senate. Full and satisfac- which applies to this case. An application had been |