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of Russia will long be talked of as a phenomenon in diplomacy. For this we must give him the nine thousand dollars demanded by the Secretary.

What could such a man do for his country in the character of a foreign minister? Just what he has done; which was very much like what each man in the nation, of all parties, who knew him, must have expected he would do. Genius he certainly has; for he is original, and unlike all other men. If you please, he is eloquent ; but if so, that eloquence is like himself, sui generis. These have enabled him to perform what he has done; could they qualify him for the services of a great diplomatic minister? Do not these require sound judgment; deep, extensive and regular thinking; laborious perseverance in business; and, above all, prudence and vigilant circumspection? In his thirty years' public service, where are the monuments of his political wisdom, and labors of patriotism? They are all of a piece; of one uniform character; and this Russian residence will neither give the blush, or the palm to any other public transaction of this remarkable man throughout his political life.

With a perfect knowledge of this man, the Secretary of State could not have contrived this legation, so different from all others, with any views to the public service. This man was sent out not to benefit the people abroad, but to relieve the administration at home. The crafty Secretary had witnessed the political movements of this eccentric man. He feared the comet might return again and visit his political hemisphere. He had seen it blaze in perihelium

"With fear of change perplexing men in power."

Was it not prudent to remove this star of malign influence to another sky? It has been done; and the nation must pay, not for a mission made for the advancement of their interests, but made to secure the political power of the Secretary.

We have been told that our relations with Russia are of high and important interest; and, therefore, we cannot dispense with this appropriation, because, if we refuse this salary, we shall defeat the mission. Should this mission, by which no public benefit was intended, and from which none can be hoped, be recalled, it may be replaced by one of better purpose, and efficient character. It is an obstruction in the " straight forward" path of our relations with Russia, and we are laboring to abate, or to remove it out of the way.

Our relations with that government are truly important. That empire is perhaps the most numerous in population, and certainly the most extensive in territory, of any power on the globe. No nation of the old world, otherwise than by colonies, approach so near to us. This people are advancing in civilization, wealth, and power, beyond any example in their former history. In the last controversy of arms, between Russia and the Ottoman empire, had not other powers of Europe interposed a shielding hand, the Moslem, after a dominion of more than four centuries in the fairest part of Europe, had been driven beyond the Bosphorus; and the Autocrat of Russia would have ascended the throne of Constantine. At all times, our relations with such a power must be important to the American people. Are those relations taken care of now, as heretofore they have been, and as now especially they ought to be?

Yes, Sir, I say as now they should be. For now Europe is convulsed, and agitated from the Mediterranean to the Baltic. The flame of war is but just repressed. Troops are called into the field, in almost every nation; and Russia, in a kind of winter campaign, has sent out two hundred thousand soldiers to her south-western frontier, to look out on the old battle-fields of Belgium and France. In this condition of Europe, do we not require an able, a diligent, a resident Minister at Russia? Withhold this appropriation, abolish this sinecure legation, and this may be effected.

One other fact in the history of our diplomacy renders the residence of a skilful, faithful Minister at that Court, at this time, above all others, indispensable. We learn from the Department of State, through the same medium, this message, that a treaty of amity and commerce has been negotiated between the United States and the Sublime Porte. The Secretary, with great candor, told us what the Turk had agreed to do for the Christian-but he, with great caution, concealed what the Christian had agreed to do for the Turk. This gentleman is as well persuaded as the French monarch was, that "he who knows not how to dissemble, knows not how to rule." Rumor has run clean counter to Mr. Van Buren; for though she often tells more than the truth, she never tells less. What have we learned from this witness? Why, truly, that a secret article is contained in this treaty, and the fact was, I believe, published in the newspapers before we received the message. It is said, it is believed, that by this article the American people agree

to furnish armed ships to the Sultan of Turkey in his future wars with Christian nations. Do you believe, Sir, that our Envoy had left Constantinople before the Russian Minister at the Porte knew this fact? The very drogoman, by whom your Mr. Rhind talked with Reis Effendi, would, for half a plate of piasters, have told the whole story to Count Orloff; and sworn he was doing good service to the Prophet by betraying one Christian dog to another. Sir, has friendship for the Russian Empire been so cherished by the present Sovereign, and his illustrious predecessor, that it has become a sentiment of the American people? Is not this secret article a diplomatic fraud, not only on that friendship, but, which it quite as much concerns us to consider, upon that Sovereign who has so generously cherished it? I say nothing now of what may happen, if the Turk should again war upon the Greek, or how it may comport with the republican principles of the Secretary of State, when he shall call on this House to furnish ships to that despot, thereby aiding him in bringing that people again under his iron yoke. What shall we say to the Emperor of Russia? Who shall make our explanation, if we shall have any to make? It is probable that the news of this treaty, and perhaps a copy of it, reached the Court of St. Petersburgh shortly after our Minister left that city. The shortness of his residence there, the suddenness of his departure, the intelligence of this secret article, the intended sojourn of that Minister, perhaps in England, perhaps in France, the attitudes of the nations of Europe, all giving dreadful note of preparation for war, must have had some tendency to place our relations with Russia on a footing not the most firm and friendly. Does not sound policydoes not national good sense, call on the American people to have an able Minister at that Court, and that, too, right speedily? Have we one there now? Under the mission for which this appropriation is to be made, are we likely soon, or ever, I do not say to have such a man there, but to have there any Minister at all?

In answer to all these anxious forebodings, we are told that, in this absence of the Minister, the Secretary of Legation takes very special and satisfactory care of our relations at the Court of St. Petersburgh. If this were not too ludicrous, it must be received as a mere mockery of the American people. When this paragraph came from under his pen, Mr. Secretary Van Buren must, if he had placed his hand there, have felt something on his face different H*

from the eternal smile. Who is the Secretary of Legation? The protege of the Minister, John Randolph Clay-a lad of less, or certainly not more, than twenty-one years old; undistinguished by talents, education, or employment; without acquaintance with men, or things, or business. A youth to whom fame has not, nor have his friends, attributed any thing extraordinary, either in possession or promise, and with nothing but his sirname to recommend him to public attention. I would not, I cannot, speak in derogation of this youth; and all I would say, is, that he must be utterly unqualified for the public station where he is placed. The service requires men; the nation has able men; Herculean men. Why then hazard our interests, perhaps our peace, by placing the weight of empires on the slender shoulders of boyhood? Let us strike out this appropriation, that this sinecure, this state mission, may be avoided; that the Minister may return to his "Constituents," the Secretary to his studies; and that the PRESIDENT may send a Legation to Russia fit for the public service.

As it will not be contended that this appropriation should be made because the gentleman, who may take the benefit of it, is a native of Virginia; so may gentlemen be assured that these remarks have no sectional origin; and I utterly disclaim any, and all adversary feeling to that distinguished commonwealth, her interests, and her citizens. I have spoken as one of the representatives of the American people; and as one, coming from a part of our common country, which has done, and will do as much for the illustrious men of Virginia, as any other part of this nation. This appropriation is opposed, because it is intended to support a mission, framed for purposes unconnected with the public interests, places our foreign relations in peril, and is without any justification in law usage, or constitutional principle.

SPEECH ON THE APPROPRIATION BILL.

Messrs. Barbour and Coke of Virginia, Mr. Wayne of Georgia, and Mr. Cambreleng of New-York, severally attacked Mr. Burges for his remarks on Mr. Stanberry's motion. On the 15th of January, 1831, he thus addressed the House in reply to those gentlemen.

SPEECH.

MR. SPEAKER :-Permit me to justify myself, under all which has been said, both against me, and against whatever has been here advanced by me in support of the motion made by the gentleman from Ohio. With the indulgence of this House, it may be well to look back to the question made by the motion; for gentlemen in their zeal to eulogize the Minister, or to abuse those who doubt the correctness of his appointment, have departed almost entirely from the matter in issue before us.

The objection to this appropriation, and the motion to strike it from this Bill, have been made, because it is proposed for payment of a salary to a foreign minister, who, by his commission of legation, or by certain secret articles given to him, is authorized to leave the Court to which he is sent, to go to any other country, whenever, in his own opinion, his health may require it; and not to return to that Court so long as, according to the same opinion, it may be injurious to his health to do so. We deny such mission to be a legal one; we deny that the salary provided by law for foreign ministers, is, or ever can be, due to any man sent abroad under such credentials: with such privileges reserved, and such powers granted to him, not to the public, but to his own use. The objection to this appropriation has, therefore, not been made because the gentleman was, when sent abroad, and had long been, a valetudinarian: or, because, if then in health, that health, exhausted by the toils of diplomacy, might require relaxation and relief from public service. No, Sir; nor because that refreshment might not be found unless

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