a man be ever so circumspect or cautious in his private transactions, in order to appear just; yet if he pays no attention to the affairs of the public, he must be either very foolish, or very dishonest. For certainly it is more criminal to omit the duties, which concern the whole community; than those which concern only a part. Consequently we are under a much greater obligation to discharge our public, than our private duties. Because the omission of the former, injures many; but the omission of the latter, injures a few only. Hence, I should not be much mistaken, perhaps, if I were to say, that the sin of neglecting a private duty, is no more to the sin of neglecting a public one; than the sin of injuring one man, is to the sin of injuring millions. But, if our obligations to the community are so much greater, or more sacred, than our obligations to individuals; why are men more generally disposed to perform the latter, than the former? because, by performing the latter, or by conducting themselves with apparent propriety in private concerns, they gain the esteem of their neighbours and acquaintance, without giving any offence; and they think that they promote their own interests, by acting in such a way, as to gain the friendship, or avoid the enmity of mankind. But, if they were active in discharging their duties to the public, instead of conciliating the friendship of their acquaintance, they might incur their hatred or displeasure. They would offend some of them, at least, by this honest policy; and they are apprehensive that any man may possibly have the power to injure them: and so, for the sake of self, they neglect

their most important duties, through the fear of creating enemies; and perform duties of much less moment, for the purpose of making friends. There is, also, another reason, perhaps, by which many of them are influenced; and that is the fear of missing some pecuniary advantage by devoting a little time to the public. But when a man is guided solely by interest, we have no reason to thank him for his service: his own happiness and not ours, is the motive which actuates him. The greatest villains that ever disgraced human nature, may have pursued what they believed to be their own interests; and if they could have obtained their objects, by supporting a good private character, they might have been considered by superficial observers as good men.

The flesh of one manis, strickly,no more connected with ours, than, that of another; and there can be no cause except interest or prejudice, for local partialities. The ties of blood or friendship, may,indeed, make it our duty to be more attentive to some, than to others; but the performance of private duties, can never discharge us from the performance of those, which we owe to the public. It must be selfishness or ignorance, which induces a man to appear so extremely benevolent and upright in the petty, private transactions, which concern a few only; while he neglects the public duties which he owes to those few, and to millions more beside. For, as I observed before, it is inconsistent with reason, if not impossible, to entertain a disinterested wish to promote the happiness of our acquaintance, without feeling some solicitude for the preservation of their liberty; and the

liberty and happiness of others. Liberty is the foundation on which their happiness must rest; and he who wished to support the fabric could not be regardless of its foundation. The man who sustains a good private character, may be proud of his name; and may be called a just, pious, or honest man, a good neighbour, and so forth; but, if he neglects his public duty, he will find it difficult to make men of discernment believe, that he is not, at best, either a stupid fellow, or something worse: for they must rationally conclude that he is either two stupid to know his duty; or too knavish or selfish to perform it. And they will not find much reason to commend that kind of benevolence, which, while it respects the least important interests of a few, disregards the most weighty concerns of all.

He, who marches bravely forward to discharge his duty to the public, and who will not be diverted by friend nor foe, deterred by fear nor corrupted by gold, may be defamed and slandered; he may be stigmatized by every term and epithet of reproach; but, as he is willing to submit to persecution, hatred, and abuse, for the public good, he proves that he is a virtuous man; he proves that he is far superiour to him, who boasts of his private character, and the disregard of national affairs; and would rather injure all men, than submit to the least risk of injuring himself.

As good men are often scandalously vilified for attending to political affairs, I have made this note the more copious and explicit, in order to shew that, so far from being censurable, their attention to the interests

of the commonwealth, is extremely necessary and laudible; and that the same selfishness, which induces some to perform their private duties, also induces them to omit those which are due to the public.

Upon the whole, I must observe, that whatever others may think, for my own part, I would not confide in that man's goodness, who appears s kind and generous to those whom he thinks it is his interest to serve, and cruel and illiberal to all the world beside.

NOTE 2. The United States of America,

NOTE 3. Many of the ancient democratical states. were depraved and ruined by their intercourse with monarchical governments: and indeed the influence of monarchy was one of the concurrent and principal causes of the destruction of all of them.

Athens, one of the freest, and most celebrated of the Grecian states, was ruined by the vicious practices of theakings of Persia: and Macedonia. These monarchs kept their emissaries in that republic to create factions, and internal dissentions; or instigate her to engage in some ruinous and unnecessary war. Her orators were bribed to mislead the people; or to accuse and destroy those who faithfully served them. By these wicked intrigues, it too often happened, that men, who were the most capable of defendi g the republic, were banished, or rendered unpopular. In some instances they were even put to death. But the people were not easily deceived: and were seldom, if ever, hurried by false or frivilous accusations, to inflict capital punishments on their benefactors, until corruption had been introduced; and

they had lost a great share of their independence. Even after some of their statesmen were put to death, on the false information of men, secretly instigated by foreign princes, the people, when they discovered the deception and injustice, showed the utmost indignation against those infamous accusers.

Many of the public speakers were notoriously guilty of bribery. Some of them were actually convicted of the offence and it is highly probable, that many were guilty, who were never suspected. Howerer the secret influence of Persian and Macedonian gold, produced the most of those evil counsels and consequent calamities, which are recorded in the history of that State.

The other republics of Greece were subject to the same influence. Through the detestable artifices and briberies of nefarious monarchs they were frequently embroiled with each other; and, being gradually corrupted and weakened by the intrigues of foreign and domestic profligates, they were at last totally subverted and destroyed by the king of Macedonia.

The subversion of the Roman Republic, was probably owing to a similar cause. The Romans were not perhaps so much subject to bribery; but their wars and intercourse with monarchical governments, was the occasion of that deluge of depravity which ruined them. How far bribery assisted is uncertain; but it was well known that Pompey, and Cæsar, received large sums of money from Ptolemy Auletes, for their influence at Rome.