that the president made a special plea on April 10th before the Committee considering the League of Nations which adopted a special clause that stated that the covenant did not affect existing understandings such as the Monroe Doctrine.

June 28th, witnessed the signing of the Peace Treaty at Versailles by representatives of Germany and also the Allied and associated powers. The following day the President started for America.

The President almost immediately met the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations at the White House. A discussion of the Peace Treaty followed, the Committee seeking information for its guidance. The members interestedly questioned the Executive for more than three hours.

Opposition to the Treaty took active form almost immediately thereafter. Senator Lodge of Massachusetts, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations presented the majority report of that committee proposing many amendments and four reservations.

The President met this challenge by beginring an extended tour of the country in September to point out to the people "what the peace treaty contains and what it seeks to do." After making more than forty speeches which covered a range from Columbus, Ohio to the Pacific coast and return, the President suddenly abondoned his trip after reaching Kansas. His health had broken down. Grave fears were held for his life, his recovery seemed extremely uncertain and slow. The country anxiously prayed for his return to health. He was a bed patient for a long time, no one except his immediate family was permitted to see him.

Considerable uncertainty was manifested as to where the powers of the Executive could be delegated during the Presidents' illness; there was talk of a

of living continued to soar, and their incomes remained almost stationary.

The men who worked with their hands the skilled and the unskilled fared far better. Their wages had risen steadily and 1919 found most of them with increases averaging 100%. The high cost of living was not a menace to them, as things went higher, their demands went up. So great was the need for labor, so tremendous was the demand for production that in almost all cases they were not denied.

It all resolved itself into an endless circle. The manufacturers and the producers were accused of profiteering; to them was laid the responsibilities of high costs; they easily shifted the responsibility— did they not have to pay tremendous increases in labor and material? On the other hand the laborer if blamed with the responsibility-shifted the burden as easily-it was necessary for him to earn more— did he not have to live? Could he live on the old wage and the increased cost of supplies?

The Government recognizing the danger of these conditions, of the industrial and social unrest took measures to overcome them. But this was not easy, it was not the solution of a day or of a month. The President gave large powers to the Attorney-General to combat the high cost of living, he appointed industrial and social commissions to seek a solution.

In the meantime the country was at the beginning of a strike epidemic; it also had to face the growing strength and propaganda of the radicals and the enemies of law and order. At such times, a stern hand was needed, and although that stern hand sometimes exceeded its authority in the repression of that free speech which is a right in this country, it was no moment in which to make fine distinctions.

Important conferences were held in Washington throughout 1919 to discuss and devise ways to meet

these troubled conditions. A meeting of the Governors of all the states and the mayors of many of the industrial cities was called about March. It considered the increasing costs of living and the general restlessness of labor. Another conference, even more important began somewhat later and lasted until about the end of October. It was the Industrial Conference, consisting of representatives of the Public, Capital and Labor. Much hope was vested in this body—the representatives of the different groups showed a decided tendency to discuss problems from all standpoints. This conference purposed among other things to arrive at some basis which would be fair to the public, to the employe, and to the employer.

With the advent of the Steel Workers' strike after failure on the part of the United States Corporation to agree to arbitrate, the first signs of storm appeared. Judge Gary who was president of the Steel Corporation took the firm stand that arbitration was not necessary. A further snag was struck over the question of collective bargaining. Although, practically all the representatives of the three groups were in favor of this, the form in which, it was to be undertaken brought about a serious difference of opinion. The labor group withdrew from the conference after the employers had rejected a proposal recognizing collective bargaining through the labor union. The group representing the public had voted with the labor group but it was necessary for the three sections to agree.

The President after receiving a delegation of railroad employes who demanded an increase in their wages, issued a statement urging a truce in wage questions pending readjustments of living costs.

"Demands unwisely made and passionately insisted upon at the time," he said "menace the peace

and prosperity of the country as nothing else could." The threatening coal strike assumed grave proportions in the last months of 1919. The President reappointed Dr. Harry Garfield as Fuel Administrator; the Attorney General announced that he would enforce the statutes which prohibited interference with the supply and distribution of fuel. Despite this the bituminous miners were ordered by their leaders to quit work on October 31st.

The Government applied for and the coal miners' leaders were served with injunctions which actually restrained them from striking. However matters were at a standstill, the miners refused to return to work. A conference was held by the cabinet, which decided on not accepting the suggestion of the Secretary of Labor to give the miners a thirty-one percent increase. It did approve the Fuel Administrator's suggestion to grant a fourteen percent increase to be entirely borne by the Coal Operators and not by the public.

The recommendation was bitterly protested on all sides, affairs shaped themselves quite seriously. The American Federation of Labor endorsed the Coal Miners' strike, condemned the Government's action as a blow against labor's greatest right-to strike. The Federation further promised its full support to the Coal Miners.

In the meantime the country suffered keenly with the failure to obtain coal.

In many states all but essential industries were ordered closed, in other states all industries were allowed on a part time basis only.

The situation, however, was cleared by the President. Through the Attorney-General, he addressed himself to the coal miners, called upon their loyalty and asked that they temporarily accept the fourteen percent advance. He promised the appointment of

a commission to represent all sides. He assured the miners that a quick decision would be made, the study of conditions and their status would be hurried and a conclusion reached in a short time. The leaders of the coal miners accepted the President's statement and the miners returned to work almost at

once.

There were changes in the Cabinet during the year. Mr. Gregory resigned as Attorney-General in March, and was succeeded by A. Mitchell Palmer of Pennsylvania. The Secretary of Commerce, William C. Redfield resigned somewhat later. Carter Glass gave up the Treasury portfolio in November, to accept the appointment as Senator from Virginia to fill out the unexpired term of Senator Martin, deceased.

There were a number of other important events during the year 1919. May 10th completed the last big loan-the Victory Loan. Although the war was over almost six months, the loan was vastly oversubscribed, the request for $4,500,000,000 being met with a total of $5,249,908,000.

With the adoption by the Senate of a proposed woman's suffrage amendment already passed by the House, the amendment went at once before the legislatures of the states for the necessary two third ratification.

On May 31st, the American NC4 seaplane arrived at Plymouth, England on the first transatlantic flight. It started from Massachusetts, then to the far points of Canada and Newfoundland, then to the Azores, to Portugal and so to England. On June 14th, the first transatlantic flight without stop was made by the British flier Captain John Alcock and his navigator, an American, Lieutenant Arthur W. Brown. The 1900 miles from Newfoundland to Ireland were made in sixteen hours, twelve minutes.