in a State rarely fails to apply for its own advantage. Where a State legislature has failed to redistribute the State into congressional districts, after the State has received an increase of representatives, the additional member or members are elected by the voters of the whole State on a general ticket, and are called "representatives at large." Each district, of course, lies wholly within the limits of one State. When a seat becomes vacant the governor of the State issues a writ for a new election, and when a member desires to resign his seat he does so by letter to the governor.

As

The original House which met in 1789 contained only sixty-five members, the idea being that there should be one member for every 30,000 persons. population grew and new States were added, the number of members was increased. Originally Congress fixed the ratio of members to population, and the House accordingly grew; but latterly, fearing a too rapid increase, it has fixed the number of members with no regard for any precise ratio of members to population. Besides the full members, there are also Territorial delegates, one from each of the Territories, regions in the West enjoying a species of self-government, but not yet formed into States. These delegates sit and speak, but have no right to vote, being unrecognized by the Constitution. They are, in fact, merely persons whom the House under a statute admits to its floor and permits to address it. A majority of members is a quorum of the House.

The electoral franchise on which the House is elected is for each State the same as that by which the members of the more numerous branch of the State legislature are chosen. Originally electoral franchises varied very much in different States: now a suffrage practically all but universal prevails everywhere. A State, however, has a right of limiting

the suffrage as it pleases, and many States do exclude persons convicted of crime, paupers, illiterates, etc. By the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution (passed in 1870) "the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude," while by the fourteenth amendment (passed in 1868) "the basis of representation in any State is reduced in respect of any male citizens excluded from the suffrage, save for participation in rebellion or other crimes." Each State has therefore a strong motive for keeping its suffrage wide, but the fact remains that the franchise by which the Federal legislature is chosen may differ vastly, and does in some points actually differ in different parts of the Union.

Members are elected for two years, and the election always takes places in the even years, 1902, 1904, and so forth. Thus the election of every second Congress coincides with that of a President and admirers of the Constitution find in this arrangement another of their favorite "checks' because while it gives the incoming President a Congress presumably, though by no means necessarily, of the same political complexion as his own, it enables the people within two years to express their approval or disapproval of his conduct by sending up another House of Representatives which may support or oppose the policy he has followed. The House does not in the regular course of things meet until a year has elapsed from the time when it has been elected, though the President may convoke it sooner, i.e., a House elected in November, 1902, will not meet till December, 1903, unless the President summons it in "extraordinary session" some time after March, 1903, when the previous House expires. It is a singular result of the present arrangement that the old House

continues to sit for nearly four months after the members of the new House have been elected.

The expense of an election varies greatly from district to district. Sometimes, especially in great cities where illegitimate expenditure is more frequent and less detectable than in rural districts, it rises to a sum of $10,000 or more: sometimes it is trifling. A candidate, unless very wealthy, is not expected to pay the whole expense out of his own pocket, but is aided often by the local contributions of his friends, sometimes by a subvention from the election funds of the party in the State. All the official expenses, such as for clerks, polling booths, etc., are paid by the public. Bribery is not rare, but elections are seldom impeached on that ground, for the difficulty of proof is increased by the circumstance that the House, which is of course the investigating and deciding authority, does not meet till a year after the election. As a member is elected for two years only, and the investigation would probably drag on during the whole of the first session, it is scarcely worth while to dispute the return for the sake of turning him out for the second session. In some States, drinking-places are closed on the election day.

Among the members of the House there are few young men, and still fewer old men. The immense majority are between forty and sixty. Lawyers abound in the House. Then come men engaged in manufactures or commerce, in agriculture, banking, journalism, etc. No military or naval officer, and no person in the civil service of the United States, can sit. Scarcely any of the great railway men go into Congress, a fact of much significance when one censiders that they are really the most powerful people in the country; and of the numerous lawyer members not many are leaders of the bar in their respec

tive States. The reason is the same in both cases. Residence in Washington makes practice at the bar of any of the great cities impossible, and men in lucrative practice would not generally sacrifice their profession in order to sit in the House, while railway managers or financiers are too much engrossed by their business to be able to undertake the duties of a member. The absence of railway men by no means implies the absence of railway influence, for it is as easy for a company to influence legislation from without Congress as from within.

Most members have received their early education in the common schools, but perhaps one half of the whole number has also graduated in a university or a college. A good many, but apparently not the majority, have served in the legislature of their own State. Comparatively few are very wealthy, and few are very poor, while scarcely any were at the time of their election working men. Of course no one could be a working man while he sits, for he would have no time to spare for his trade, and the salary would more than meet his wants. Nothing prevents an artisan from being returned to Congress, but there seems little disposition among the working classes to send one of themselves.

A member of the House enjoys the title of "Honorable," which is given to him not merely within the House (as in England), but in the world at large, as for instance in the addresses of his letters. As he shares it with members of State senates, all the highest officials, both Federal and State, and judges, the distinction is not deemed a high one.

The House has no share in the executive functions of the Senate, nothing to do with confirming appointments or approving treaties. On the other hand, it has the exclusive right of initiating revenue bills and of impeaching officials, features borrowed, through

the State constitutions, from the English House of Commons, and of choosing a President in case there should be no absolute majority of presidential electors for any one candidate. This very important power it exercised in 1801 and 1825.

Setting extraordinary sessions aside, every Congress has two sessions, distinguished at the First or Long and the Second or Short. The long session begins in the fall of the year after the election of a Congress, and continues, with a recess at Christmas, till the July or August following. The short session begins in the December after the July adjournment, and lasts till the fourth of March following. The whole working life of a House is thus from ten to twelve months. Bills do not, as in the English Parliament, expire at the end of each session; they run on from the long session to the short one. All, however, that have not been passed when the fatal fourth of March arrives, perish forthwith, for the session being fixed by statute cannot be extended at pleasure. There is consequently a terrible scramble to get business pushed through in the last week or two of Congress.

The House usually meets at noon, and sits till four or six o'clock, though toward the close of a session these hours are lengthened. Occasionally when obstruction occurs, or when at the very end of a session messages are going backward and forward between the House, the Senate, and the President, it sits all night long.

An oath or affirmation of fidelity to the Constitution of the United States is (as prescribed by the Constitution) taken by all members; also by the clerk, the sergeant-at-arms, the door-keeper, and the postmaster.

The sergeant-at-arms is the treasurer of the House, and pays to each member his salary and mile