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of Brook B. Bonnell of Brooklyn, decorated with the War Cross and the Military Medal; of Andrew Walbron of Peterson, wounded three times; of his brother, Ernest Walbron, who had a leg carried away by a shell on the Somme; of George Delpeuche, decorated with the War Cross for having taken five prisoners alone and unaided; of Frederick Capdeville of New York, Charlie Christopher Charles of Brooklyn, Charles Trinkard, Jack Janz of Kentucky, David King of Providence, Jack Cordonnier, Frederick Mulhauser, (three citations;) Michael Steinfels of Chicago, Eugene Jacobs, Bob Scanlon, the negro boxer; Achille Clinger, Jack Moyet, and the rest.

This is only a short summary of the heroic chapter. A great number of Americans enlisted in the English Army, others in the Canadian Army, and still others came to France to serve in autoThey have saved mobile ambulances. and cared for our wounded with ceaseless zeal, risking their lives, and often At the end of January, losing them. 1917, seventy citations in official orders had been merited and bestowed upon A beautiful history! these brave men. On March 19 a number of aviators of

One

the Lafayette Escadrille were protecting
aerial observers who were watching the
movements of the German Army.
of them was attacked by three enemy air-
planes. He courageously accepted battle
with them, but after prodigies of valor
was James
he was killed; his name
Rogers MacConnell. The Paris Figaro,
in announcing his glorious end, gave a
He was 30 years
sketch of his career.

old, a native of Carthage, N. C., and had
left a lucrative business position to join
the French Army in the first days of the

war.

In April, 1916, he had organized the American Escadrille with his brothers in heroism, Victor Chapman, Kiffin Rockwell, Norman Prince, and others, now active or fallen. He fought in Artois, in Alsace, at Verdun, and on the Somme. In moments of the most deadly peril he was always calm and cheerful. He was decorated with the War Cross and was twice cited in terms of highest praise in the military Order of the Day. Mr. MacConnell was an author, having recently 'Flying in published a book entitled France," which ended with the words: "The war may kill me, but I have it to thank for much."

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Value of Helmets in Saving Life

Discussing the value of the steel helmet in battle, a French medical writer in La Nature says that out of 55 cases of head injury it was found that 42 occurred in soldiers who wore no helmet. Among the 42 there were 23 fractured skulls. The remaining 19 cases suffered from severe scalp wounds. Among the 13 cases which wore helmets there was not a single fracture of the skull; 8 showed some concussion effects and 5 had slight wounds. A considerable number of the unprotected cases died; none of the protected died.

The most significant fact which has emerged since the helmet was introduced was emphasized by Dr. Roussy at the Academy of Medicine. He said that the percentage of cases showing wounds in the head had increased. The reason was, of course, that the number of sudden deaths from the cause had markedly decreased.

An abdominal protection A French writer points out that of 479 abdominal wounds 332 were caused by shrapnel and pieces of shell having a low velocity. would save these cases.

Again, among 15 penetrating wounds of the lung 2 only showed exit orifices for the bullet or piece of shell, i. e., in 13 cases out of 15 the projectile had not enough force behind it to drive it through the body tissues. A breastplate would have saved these wounds.

The mortality from these low-velocity shrapnel wounds is said to be about ten times greater than from bullet wounds which penetrate. The conclusions are arrived at in La Nature that as three-fourths of war wounds which are received for treatment are now due to shrapnel and pieces of shell at low velocity, and as these wounds are very fatal on account of the infection and blood poisoning following them, it will be worth while to consider the question of protection for all those parts.

Factors in the Russian Revolution

By A. J. Sack

[Mr. Sack is American staff correspondent for the official publications of the Russian Ministry of Finance; also American correspondent of the Petrograd Telegraph Agency, the Retch, Petrograd; Birjewiya Viedomosti, Petrograd, and Russkiya Viedomosti, Moscow.]

T

HE great revolution in Russia is only the epilogue to the great drama played in Russia, one act after another, for the last twelve years. The first act of this drama was the revolution of 1905, which came at the conclusion of peace with Japan. As the result of the revolutionary movement which in October, 1905, culminated in a general political strike, when all industrial life and railroad transportation was stopped in Russia, came the famous Czar's manifesto of Oct. 17, (30.)

In this manifesto the Czar promised, in the most categorical form, that the people of Russia would enjoy the highest form of political freedom, that the suffrage law governing election to the Duma would be changed so that voting would become universal, that the legislative power of the empire would be vested from then on in the Imperial Duma, the Imperial Council and the Czar, and that without the consent of the Duma no new law could be introduced nor any existing law be changed.

On April 27 (May 10) the First Duma was convened. The entire country showed its opposition to the old régime by choosing as Deputies people most prominent in the liberal movement. The Socialists did not participate in the campaign for the First Duma, declaring a boycott because of their disapproval of the undemocratic suffrage laws. The majority in the First Duma was held by the Constitutional Democrats. This fact, in view of the undemocratic suffrage system and the refusal of the Socialists to participate in the election, shows that, although the First Duma was in strong opposition to the old régime, the country was even more radically opposed to the Czar's Government than the Duma.

The first act of the First Duma was a

demand for general amnesty for all political offenders in Russia. The first Russian Parliament solemnly recognized the revolt against the old Government as a legitimate fight for the rights of the nation, pronouncing every participant a hero. The main political demand of the First Duma was the demand for the responsibility of the Ministers to the legislative bodies. "The executive power should be subordinate to the legislative power "; this was the conclusion of the famous speech made by Deputy V. D. Nabokoff, who gave perfect expression to the fundamental political desires of the first Russian Parliament.

First Duma's Reform Plans

In an address presented to the Czar the First Duma outlined a full program of reforms urgently needed for the country. The Parliament demanded full political freedom, responsibility of the Cabinet of Ministers to the legislative bodies, autonomy for Poland and Finland, democratization of the suffrage law governing election of members to the Imperial Duma, democratization of the local self-governing bodies, (municipalities and zemstvos,) radical changes in the social legislation referring to the workers, increased land holdings for the peasants, &c. If the program of the Furst Duma had been carried out Russia would have become a constitutional monarchy of the English type, with very progressive social legislation.

The First Duma was dismissed, although its demands were quite moderate in view of the spirit of the country. The Second Duma was called, and in this campaign the Socialist factions in Russia participated in full. As a result the country, angered by the opposition of the old régime, sent to Parliament about 120 Socialists. The Constitutional Democrats

came into the Second Duma again as a very strong faction, although this time they did not hold the majority.

The Second Duma, which gathered in the Fall of 1906, was the culminating point in the first Russian revolution. The revolutionary forces of the country seemed to be at their fullest strength at that time, and, nevertheless, certain symptoms of the coming reaction were already visible. The demands of the Socialists had been terrorizing the moderate liberal elements so that these finally gave their support to the Czar's Government, which began to fight the revolution openly.

In the beginning of the Summer of 1907 the Second Duma was dismissed; part of the Socialist Deputies were sentenced to Siberia, and the suffrage laws were changed by the Czar, so that Russian democracy was practically deprived of representation, although in the manifesto of Oct. 17 (30) it had been solemnly promised that no law would be changed or introduced in the empire without the consent of the legislative bodies represented by the Duma and Imperial Council.

Failure of the Movement

The principal revolutionary forces during the first uprising in Russia were the workers, who demanded political freedom, the right to organize, and progressive measures in social legislation; the peasants, whose chief demand was land and equality of rights with all other classes in Russia; the different nationalities, the Polish, Finnish, Jewish, and other elements, who demanded autonomy or equal rights; and the capitalistic class, the bourgeoisie, who had become an influential factor in Russia's economic life with the development of capitalism. None of these groups was satisfied with the results of the revolution. The country did not receive even elementary political rights, the workers did not receive the right to organize, the peasants received no land, Finland was deprived of her Constitution, Poland was as oppressed as before, the sufferings of the Jews daily became more and more unbearable.

The first Russian revolution brought the country no gains, and the reaction which came at the beginning of 1907 was a reaction more of psychological than of sociological nature. The great country quieted down almost completely, not because the great tasks of the first revolution were accomplished, but because the country was exhausted from the battle with the old régime. The demands made by the First Duma, very much more moderate than the country it represented, showed that the entire nation was opposed to the Czar's Government. But the nobility was still with the Czar, and the Government had at its service the powerful machinery of the police and almost the entire army, officered mostly by Russian noblemen, blindly devoted to the throne.

The reaction, the darkest reaction in Russia's national history, began at the beginning of 1906. It is interesting to observe that the culminating point of this reaction was the Fall of 1907, when, in October, Professor S. A. Mouromtzeff, the President of the First Duma, the most respected citizen of Russia, the symbol of the longing for freedom in Russia, died, and in November, Leo Tolstoy, the greatest genius Russia has contributed to the world's culture. These deaths seemed to awaken the great country. The hundreds of thousands of people on the streets of Moscow at the funeral of Professor Mouromtzeff, the thousands of people and delegates coming from all parts of Russia on special trains to the little village where Tolstoy was to be buried, the public speeches made in these days, significant for Russia's culture—all these showed that the country was awakening from its deep sleep to new political and cultural activities.

The New Reform Movement

The Fall of 1910 may be marked as the beginning of the new movement against the Czar's Government. It had taken four years for the reaction to reach its lowest mark-from the beginning of 1906 to the end of 1910-and it took another four years for the country, awakened to political activities, to reach again the boiling point of revolution. In July,

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Secretary McAdoo Is Signing the Treasury Warrant for $200,000,000. Left to Right: Lord Cunliffe,
Governor of Bank of England; Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, Secretary McAdoo, Sir Hardman Lever,
British Financial Secretary of Treasury; Sir Richard Crawford of British Embassy,
and Oscar T. Crosby, Assistant Secretary of United States Treasury

(Photo

Harris & Ewing)

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