oppressed and distracted men and women and enslaved peoples that seem to them the only things worth fighting a war for that engulfs the world. Perhaps statesmen have not always recognized this changed aspect of the whole world of policy and action. Perhaps they have not always spoken in direct reply to the questions asked because they did not know how searching those questions were and what sort of answers they demanded.
But I, for one, am glad to attempt the answer again and again, in the hope that I may make it clearer and clearer that my one thought is to satisfy those who struggle in the ranks and are, perhaps above all others, entitled to a reply whose meaning no one can have any excuse for misunderstanding, if he understands the language in which it is spoken or can get some one to translate it correctly into his own. And I believe that the leaders of the Governments with which we are associated will speak, as they have occasion, as plainly as I have tried to speak. I hope that they will feel free to say whether they think that I am in any degree mistaken in my interpretation of the issues involved or in my purpose with regard to the means by which a satisfactory settlement of those issues may be obtained. Unity of purpose and of counsel are as imperatively necessary in this war as was unity of command in the battlefield; and with perfect unity of purpose and counsel will come assurance of complete victory. It can be had in no other way. "Peace drives" can be effectively neutralized and silenced only by showing that every victory of the nations associated against Germany brings the nations nearer the sort of peace which will bring security and reassurance to all peoples and make the recurrence of another such struggle of pitiless force
and bloodshed forever impossible, and that nothing else can. Germany is constantly intimating the "terms" she will accept; and always finds that the world does not want terms. It wishes the final triumph of justice and fair dealing.
Albert, King of Belgium, 58.
America threatened, 25, 26, 27, 130.
American attitude; neutrality,
107-131; toward Great Britain,
117; on blockade, 121; on muni-
tions, 124; on Germany before
1914, 132; on submarine war-
fare, 168; on Lusitania, 181, 188.
Annexations, German programme
of, 8, 30, 61-63, 248-253.
Arabic, sinking of, 192.
Arming of merchantmen, 194, 195.
Austria, may disintegrate, 17; atti-
tude in 1914, 79-102; willing to
yield on July 30, 102.
Austrian diplomacy in 1914, 78-
104.
Austro-Hungary, annexes Bosnia,
67; issues ultimatum to Serbia,
78; has understanding with Ger-
many, 80; makes overtures to
Italy for war on Serbia, 83; hesi-
tates, 80; plans war in Balkans,
93; willing to make war on Rus-
sia, 101.
Autocracy and democracy con-
trasted, 16.
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Berlin, Congress of, 67.
Bernstorff (Ambassador), escapes
recall, 129; on Lusitania, 181;
involved in German plots, 209,
212, 213, 216, 219, 222, 223, 244,
245; dismissed, 272.
Bethmann-Hollweg, 10, 137; on
annexations, 251-253; justifies
submarine warfare, 272-275.
Beyens (Baron), on German mili-
tary preparations, 50; on Wil-
liam II at Kiel, 72.
Bismarck, 6.
Boy-Ed (Captain), activities of,
222-246; recalled, 245.
Brest-Litovsk, peace of, 11.
Bryan, W. J., on contraband, 117;
replies to Senator Stone, 119,
127; resigns from cabinet, 186.
Bucharest, Treaty of, Austria dis-
satisfied with, 93. See also Ap-
pendix II.
Egyptian question, 67.
Einstein (Secretary of Legation) on
Potsdam conference, 86.
Eisner, Kurt, on Pan-Germans,
48.
Ems Despatch, 6.
Entente cordiale between France
and England, 67.
France, agrees with England on
Egypt, 67; condition of in 1914,
73.
Francis-Ferdinand (Archduke) as-
sassinated, 66, 69.
Francis-Joseph (Emperor), dissat-
isfied with Treaty of Bucharest,
meditates war, 93.
Franco-Prussian War, 34.
Frederick the Great, the German
Washington, 74; on deception,
French Government on submarine
warfare, 173.
Frye, William P., 2, 122, 170.
Frymann, Daniel, 7.
Garroni (Ambassador) on Pots-
dam conference, 86.
Gerard (Ambassador) quoted, 84,
251-253, 255, 256; interview
with Kaiser, 130; starts inquiry
on Sussex, 198; interview with
Bethmann-Hollweg, 251; mal-
treated, 280.
German-American Alliance, 217.
German diplomacy in 1914, 76-
104, Appendix I.
German people (22, note) will not
revolt, 6-17.
German state, 17, 138, 279.
German subservience, 32, 36; char-
acter, 35, 36; theory of political
morality, 75, 76; hostility to
U. S., 128, 271 (note), 281;
"atrocities," 142-157; plots and
intrigues, 207-246; propaganda,
215-230; General Staff, plans of,
56, 63, 73; militarism, 278, 279.
Germany, mission of, 7, 21, 22, 23,
24, 52; peace party in, 47; mili-
tary preparations in, from 1911
to 1914, 48, 51, 96; plans war on
France and Russia, 51, 62, 76;
proclaims submarine warfare,
164; increase of armament in,
65; aggressiveness of, 65, 73; loss
of prestige in Balkans, 69; plans
diplomatic campaign, 77; refuses
mediation of powers, 80; declares
war on Russia and France, 103;
counterfeits American passports,
119; on Lusitania, 183.
Giolitti (Premier), statement on
Italian attitude, 83.
Goethe on patriotism, 34.
Great Britain, German opinion of,
in 1914, 73 (see Grey, Earl); at-
tempts blockade, 121, 123.
Grey (Earl), asks Germany to plan
mediation, 80; works for peace,
101
Haeckel (quoted), 24.
Hague Conventions, Appendix I;
German attitude, 138, 160, 161.
Harden, Maximilian, on Morocco,
18; justifies Germany, 14, 15.
Hegel, 39, 40, 45.
Helfferich (Vice-Chancellor), state-
ment to Mühlon, 87, 92.
Herder, 34.
Hötch, Otto (quoted), 27.
Italy, objects to Serbia receiving
access to sea, 68; ignored by
Triple Alliance in 1914, 82; re-
fuses Austrian proposal to make
war on Serbia, 83.
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