representative Irishmen in Ireland to submit to the British Government a constitution for the future Government of Ireland within the Empire. If "substantial agreement" be reached as to the character and scope of such a Constitution, the Government will accept the responsibility of securing for it the necessary legis lative sanction, subject to the right of the Treasury to be heard as to what is suggested as to finance. The consequent debate, though interesting and significant, need hardly be summarised-it is sufficient to say that the idea of a Convention was almost universally welcomed. In the House of Lords on the same day, a declaration as to the decision of the Government was made by Lord Curzon. It is not a little remarkable that he frankly took into account the beneficent results which would follow in our relations with the United States if the Irish question were settled. He added:— "I should like to extend my vision over a rather wider range still. When the war is over and we commence the task of reconstruction, which will be no less difficult and anxious than the conduct of the war itself, who can doubt that a contented Ireland will be an asset of immeasurable value in the future settlement of the interests of the British Empire, and who can doubt that Great Britain will be a more powerful figure at the Peace Conference if she can speak with the united voice of all her sons?"-(House of Lords, May 21st, 1917.) Lord Lansdowne, in the course of a remarkably conciliatory speech, said: · "One fact which seemed to dominate the situation at this moment was that they had travelled so far along the road to Home Rule that it had become impossible to turn abruptly back. Home Rule was on the Statute Book. They might consider it, as he certainly did, a very bad piece of legislation; that it found its place on the Statute Book owing to means and methods of which Unionists wholly disapproved. But there it was in a state of suspended animation, and while it remained in that state they must expect to find the great body of Nationalist opinion in Ireland profoundly convinced that they had been cheated out of the fruits of their victory, and that they could not sit down under any system which we were able at this moment to present to them."(House of Commons, May 21st, 1917.) He wished "God speed" to the Convention. (4) THE CONVENTION. On the date on which this sheet goes to press (June 5th) there had been no further official statement as to the Convention or its membership. It is known, however, that the Government is losing no time in the not very easy task of calling it into existence, and there are welcome signs that it will prove to be very representative. in character. It is unofficially stated that it is to consist of 101 members, and that Sir Francis Hopwood is likely to be its Secretary. THE REFORM The House of Commons, when it reassembles after the Whitsuntide Recess, will at once start to work on the Committee stage of the Representation of the People Billor, as it is shortly and conveniently usually called, the Reform Bill. A full summary of the measure is given on pages 263 to 269. The Bill was introduced under the Ten Minutes Rule, and read a first time on May 15th. Mr. Walter Long spoke on behalf of the Government introducing the Bill, Lord Claud Hamilton for the Unionists opposing it, but there was no division. After two days' debate, the Bill was read a second time on May 23rd. Colonel Sanders moved the following hostile amendment to the motion for second reading: 66 That, in view of the pre-occupation of the Ministry, of Parliament, and of the people by the efforts and anxieties of the war, it is undesirable at the present time to proceed further with the consideration of legislation which enacts far-reaching changes in the franchise without providing that a reasonable proportion of soldiers and sailors will be able to vote at the next election.' This was lost by 329 to 40 (majority 289). The minority was wholly Unionist in character, and the analysis of the division will be found at page 226. The Bill is a Government one, and receives the full backing of the Government, but the House of Commons is to be invited to give a I free and unfettered vote (the phrase is the Prime Minister's) on (a) Woman Suffrage, and (b) Proportional Representation. We can only give a minimum of space to the debates on First and Second Reading. No one ventured to assert that the existing state of things was satisfactory, but the minority of Unionists argued that the change ought not to be in war time-oblivious of the fact that, without any objection being taken (so far as we know) from any quarter, the Speaker's Conference was set up in the hope that, being at war, all parties might in a season of party truce be got as got they were -to agree to a concordat. As to the scope of the Bill, Sir George Cave gave (May 22nd) the following figures :MEN-On Existing Register New 8,357,000 10,357,000 WOMEN-On Local Government Register ... Mr. Herbert Samuel next day pointed out that the three Reform Acts of 1832, 1867, and 1884 between them enfranchised only four million electors, or just half the number given votes by the present Mr. Walter Long, in the course of the Second Reading debates, made the following important announcement : - "So much impressed are the Government with the result of that Conference (the Speaker's) that they have decided to set up as soon as they can a Conference to discuss and report upon the Second Chamber, and I can only say that I hope sincerely that that Conference, when it is set up and proceeds to deliberate, will act with the same judgment, the same fairness, and the same fine spirit that actuated this Conference throughout.”—(House of Commons, May 23rd, 1917.) We wish this Conference No. 2 all possible success, though we are inclined to think the problem it seeks to solve presents even more difficulties than those so successfully overcome by Conference No. 1. THE IMPERIAL The Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on May 17th, made an important announcement as to the Imperial War Gabinet. In December last the Government invited the Prime Ministers or leading statesmen of the Overseas Dominions and of India to attend the sittings both of the Cabinet and of an Imperial War Conference to be held in this country. The Imperial War Cabinet (as the British Cabinet for the time being became) assembled in March, and held fourteen sittings before separating. While it was in session its Overseas members had access to all the information which was at the disposal of His Majesty's Government, and occupied a status of absolute equality with that of the members of the British War Cabinet. It had prolonged discussions on all the most vital aspects of Imperial policy, and came (Mr. Lloyd George said) to important decisions in regard to them. The Imperial War Cabinet was unanimous in thinking that the new procedure had been of such service not only to all its members, but to the Empire, that it ought not to be allowed to fall into desuetude. At the last session Mr. Lloyd George proposed formally, on behalf of the British Government, that meetings of an Imperial Cabinet should be held annually or at any intermediate time when matters of urgent Imperial concern require to be settled, and that the Imperial Cabinet should consist of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and such of his colleagues as deal specially with Imperial affairs, of the Prime Minister of each of the Dominions, or some specially accredited alternate, possessed of equal authority, and of a representative of the Indian people, to be appointed by the Government of India. This proposal met with the cordial approval of the Overseas representatives, and it is hoped that the holding of an annual Imperial Cabinet to discuss foreign affairs and other aspects of Imperial policy will become an accepted convention of the British Constitution. Mr. Lloyd George added: "I ought to add that the institution in its present form is extremely elastic. It grew, not by design, but out of the necessities of the war. The essence of it is that the responsible heads of the Governments of the Empire, with those Ministers who are specially entrusted with the conduct of Imperial policy, should meet together at regular intervals to confer about foreign policy and matters connected therewith, and come to decisions in regard to them which, subject to the control of their own Parliaments, they will then severally execute. By this means they will be able to obtain full information about all aspects of Imperial affairs, and to determine by consultation together the policy of the Empire in its most vital aspects, without infringing in any degree the autonomy which its parts at present enjoy. To what constitutional developments this may lead we did not attempt to settle. The whole question of perfecting the mechanism for continuous consultation' about Imperial and foreign affairs between the 'autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth' will be reserved for the consideration of that special Conference which will be summoned as soon as possible after the war to readjust the constitutional relations of the Empire. We felt, however, that the experiment of constituting an Imperial Cabinet, in which India was represented, had been so fruitful in better understanding and in unity of purpose and action that it ought to be perpetuated, and we believe that this proposal will commend itself to the judgment of all the nations of the Empire."(House of Commons, May 17th, 1917.) Sir Robert Borden referred to the matter soon after his return to Canada. He was at pains to point out that the new procedure "would in no wise infringe the power and autonomy of the selfgoverning Dominions, as all such decisions would be subject to the assent of the Parliaments of the various Dominions." He added: "The proposal for the establishment of an Imperial Parliament was rejected, as it was considered to be neither feasible nor wise. Under no other than existing relations could the Dominions have done so much towards the prosecution of the war, and the measure of what they were ready to do in future was their record in the past. "*_(Canadian House of Commons, May 18th, 1917.) So true it is that the strength of our Empire depends upon the freedom of its component parts. In a letter to a correspondent Viscount Harcourt points out (with the necessary reference) that the proposal for an annual Imperial War Cabinet follows almost precisely the lines of the suggestion he made as Colonial Secretary to the members of the Imperial Conference of 1911, and subsequently to the Dominion Governments in 1912, with the exception of the participation of *It is noteworthy that a little later in the same speech Sir Robert Borden said: "He had declined to ask the United Kingdom to make any change in its fiscal system purely for the purpose of giving preference to the products of Canada. Inter-Imperial trade would in future be fostered by improved and cheaper means of transportation, and the naval power of the Empire should be so increased that the overseas highways should not be closed either in peace or war."-(Canadian House of Commons, May 18th, 1917.) We begin to understand why in neither the Imperial War Conference's resolution nor in Mr. Lloyd George's account of it (see MAGAZINE for May at page 206) was there any reference to any preferential tariff. India, which at that date would not have been possible, but which is one of the happy results of our closer co-operation during this war. The matter is fully set out in the Parliamentary White Paper, Cd. 7347 (1914). THE WAR IMPERIAL At the beginning of May the Colonial Office issued a brief statement respecting the work done by the Imperial War Conference, then approaching the end of its labours. Some of the resolutions deal with matters of so confidential a kind that their publication at present is impossible, but some of the resolutions are now made public. In every case the decision of the Conference was unanimous; on no occasion was it found necessary to take a division or to withdraw a motion because agreement could not be reached. The following are the more important of the resolutions so far made public: INDIA. That the Imperial War Conference desires to place on record its view that the resolution of the Imperial Conference of April 20th, 1907, should be modified to permit of India being fully represented at all future Imperial Conferences, and that the necessary steps should be taken to secure the assent of the various Governments in order that the next Imperial Conference may be summoned and constituted accordingly. That the Imperial War Conference, having examined the Memorandum on the position of Indians in the Self-Governing Dominions presented by the Indian representatives to the Conference, accepts the principle of reciprocity of treatment between India and the Dominions, and recommends the Memorandum to the favourable consideration of the Governments concerned. DEFENCE. That the Admiralty be requested to work out immediately after the conclusion of the war what they consider the most effective scheme of naval defence for the Empire for the consideration of the several Governments summoned to this Conference, with such recommendations as the Admiralty consider necessary in that respect for the Empire's future security. That this Conference, in view of the experience of the present war, calls attention to the importance of developing an adequate capacity of production of naval and military material, munitions, and supplies in all important parts of the Empire (including the countries bordering on the Pacific and Indian Oceans), where such facilities do not presently exist, and affirms the importance of close co-operation between India, the Dominions, and the United Kingdom with this object in view. That this Conference, recognising the importance of assimilating as far as possible the military stores and equipment of the Imperial Forces throughout the Empire, recommends that an expert Committee, representative of the military authorities of the United Kingdom, the |