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THE DIARY OF THE MONTH.

(1) Mr. Lloyd George on Restoration and the Alphabet of Peace.

"Even now neither the Kaiser nor his new Chancellor say they will be satisfied with German soil. They both talk glibly of peace, but they stammer, they stutter, when they come to the word restoration. It has not yet crossed their lips in its entirety. We have challenged them. They cannot say it. Before we enter a peace Conference they must learn to utter that word to begin with. The gallant soldiers, of whom I am delighted to see specimens in this meeting, are gradually going to cure the Kaiser of this stutter. So far he has not yet learned the alphabet of peace. The first letter in that alphabet is restoration. Then we will talk."

And on "No Next Time."

"War is a ghastly thing; but not as grim as a bad peace. There is an end to the most horrible war, but a bad peace goes on and on staggering from one war to another. What do they mean? Do they mean peace when they talk? The truth is

the Prussian war

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lords have not yet abandoned their ambitions. They are not discussing
that. They are only discussing the postponement of the realisation of
these ambitions. There is a feeling among them, a genuine feeling,
believe me, that this time the plot has miscarried. They are perfectly
honest about that, and they blame this country with its Fleet and its
factories, and they say: Had it not been for Britain all would have been
well. Next time they mean to make sure. There must be no make
sure.'
Next time-there must be no next time. Far better,
in spite of all the cost, all the sorrow, and all the tragedy of it-let
us have done with it. Do not let us repeat this horror. Let us be the
generation that manfully, courageously, resolutely eliminated war from
among the tragedies of human life. Let us, at any rate, make victory
so complete that national liberty, whether for great nations or for small
nations, can never be challenged.”

(2) Lord Selborne on "the Sale of Honours."

"It would be absurd in my judgment to make good public service or public munificence a bar to an honour. That is not my contention. My object is to prevent an honour from being literally purchased by a man exactly in the same way as he purchases a diamond tiara for his wife. Your lordships may think that this is never done. All I can say is that, although I cannot prove it because I cannot mention names, I have been told by men who have actually had the offer made to them, who never for one moment thought of asking for an honour or thought that they deserved one, but to whom a person has come and said: 'If you will contribute so much to the Party funds I can secure for you such and such an honour'; and the person who has given me that confidence certainly had no doubt whatever in his mind that, if he had agreed to the bargain, he would have received his payment in kind.”

(3) Lord Curzon on Party Funds.

"Is it dishonourable to make a subscription to Party funds? Is there a single member of your Lordships' House, or of either House of Parliament, who has not constantly done it? If you believe that in the success of the political principles which you hold lies the welfare of the nation, an 1, if you like, of the Empire, are you to be prohibited from subscribing to the Party which carries on the propaganda that is required for the spreading of those principles? May you not contribute to a fund that is not necessarily unworthy or corrupt, but that

THE DIARY OF THE MONTH.

1917. August 1.-House of Lords. Formal business.

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House of Commons, Corn Production Bill
-Committee.

New Ministries Bill-Financial Resolution. War Cabinet and Mr. Henderson-Speeches (on Lord Duncannon's adjournment motion) by Mr. Henderson and Mr. Lloyd George. 2.-House of Lords. Food Prices-Speeches by Lord Lansdowne, Lord Rhondda, and Lord Selborne.

Royal Assent to Finance Act and other Acts. House of Commons. New Ministries Bill— Committee.

Chemical Industries Deputation to Dr. Addison on Commerce After the War.

3. House of Commons. New Ministries Bill— Report.

4.-(1) Mr. Lloyd George and Baron Sonnino at Queen's Hall on the War.

Dr. Page at Plymouth on the War.

Mr. H. Samuel at Guisborough on the War.

6.- House of Commons. Corn Production Bill

-Report.

Lord Haldane at Oxford on Education Reform.

7.-House of Lords. Alleged Sale of Honours— Speeches by (2) Lord Selborne, Lord Crewe, Lord Charnwood, and (3) Lord Curzon.

House of Commons. Corn Production Bill read a third time by 108 to 14 (majority 94). Speech by Mr. Prothero.

Supply-Miscellaneous Votes.

8.-House of Lords. New Ministries Bill read a second time-Speeches by Lord Finlay, Lord Buckmaster, and Lord Curzon.

House of Commons. Supply-Scottish Education

Vote Speeches

Speeches by Mr. Munro

Mr. Gulland.

War Loan Bill read a first time.

and

is partly designed to spread the literature of your faith, and partly, as my noble friend, Lord Charnwood, said, to assist the entry into Parliament of gentlemen holding your own political convictions who may not have the means to enter Parliament otherwise? The noble Lord told us himself that he could not have entered Parliament had it not been for Party funds. When I first stood for Parliament, although I was the eldest son of a Peer, I was a poor man, so was my father, and I could not have entered Parliament if it had not been for Party funds. I dare say that applies to a large number of members of your Lordships' House. There is a large number of persons in this country who have no other means of contributing to the political interests of the State. They are men without political ambition themselves, who have neither the power nor the desire to enter Parliament. Their wealth is their only asset. Do you mean to say that such men are not to be at liberty to contribute to the funds of the Party which carries out their political convictions? Is no preferment ever to come their way? Are the doors of the Temple of Honour to be perpetually banged and barred in their faces? It seems to me that there is a suspicion of cant about this matter. Do let us be perfectly frank.”

(1) Mr. Lloyd George on the Restoration of Serbia.

"However long this war may last, British honour is involved in seeing that Serbian independence is completely restored. It is not merely a matter of honour. It is a matter of the security of civilisation. What is true about Belgium, the warden of the gateway in the West, is equally true about Serbia in the East. She is the guardian of the gate, and faithfully has she stood to her trust. She has suffered. She had two glorious campaigns, yea, a third, for with her own right-hand she defeated the legions of Austria, and had it not been for the overwhelming masses of the Central Powers that attacked her, she would have still kept the gate. But her gallant troops in the hour of defeat have never been broken-hearted. On the contrary, the remnant of her Army gathered together-men came from the East and the West, with Serbian blood in their veins and their hearts throbbing with pride in the traditions of their people and they are still at the door, watching. One day they will win through, and will regain their independence. In the name of the men of British blood who are here, we extend once more the hand of fellowship to Serbia, and we say: 'Come weal, come woe; we are not merely friends, but Allies and partners, and we will work together to the end.'"

(2) Lord Islington on the Co-operation of British and Indian Statesmanship. "The world to-day has a tragic lesson presented to it-a lesson of which all responsible leaders in every country must take account. Russia, in her effort to extricate herself from an autocratic system, has allowed herself to be hurled headlong into anarchy by the extremists of her country. I would, therefore, earnestly and sympathetically say to those in India who to-day are advocating extreme measures of reform: 'Be patient'; 'Be reasonable'; 'Limit your influence and assistance to those measures which are practical towards the solution of the problem.' The end in view can best be reached by gradual and moderate steps. It is suggested by some that nothing short of constitutional self-government should suffice, and that this should be established in India at an early date. You cannot transform a highly centralised bureaucracy into a set of decentralised self-government systems in the passing of a night. If any British Government were to attempt such a task, were to allow themselves in a nervous spirit to act against their judgment and experience in the face of agitation, they would indeed betray the trust that has been imposed upon them. British and Indian public men and officials must, for years to come, carve out in joint effort the destinies of British India."

1917

August 8.-(1) Mr. Lloyd George and Lord R. Cecil at the Savoy Hotel (Luncheon to the Serbian Prime Minister) on Serbia and the War.

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(2) Lord Islington at Oxford on the Future of India. 9.-House of Lords. Corn Production Bill— Second reading. Speeches by the Duke of Marlborough, Lord Crewe, Lord Lincolnshire, and Lord Lansdowne.

House of Commons. Representation of the
People Bill-Committee.

Mr. Long at the West India Club on the Empire
and the War.

Lord Selborne at Edinburgh on the Future of

Farming.

Mr. Hayes Fisher at Fulham on Homes for the

Disabled.

10. House of Lords. Corn Production Bill read a second time-Speeches by Lord Milner and Lord Selborne.

House of Commons.

War Loan Bill read a

second time-Speeches by Mr. Bonar Law
and Mr. Baldwin.

Education Bill introduced by Mr. H. A. L.
Fisher and read a first time.

Mr. Henderson at the Central Hall, Westminster

(Conference of Labour

Stockholm Conference.

Delegates), on

the

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Edinburgh and St. Andrews Universities By-
Election consequent on the appointment of
Mr. Christopher Johnston, K.C. (U) to the
Scottish Bench. Unopposed return of Sir
Watson Cheyne, Bart. (U).

Number of Registered Electors—12,756.
Representation unchanged.

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(1) Mr. Long on the Unity of the Empire in the War.

"The knowledge we have in our possession of the past efforts of our Dominions and Crown Colonies, the experience of our Imperial War Conference, all go to show that at this supreme moment in our national history the whole Empire is one, and is prepared to stand together and use all its resources to make a combined effort in order that victory may be attained, and that that victory may be of a complete and final character. That was the sole desire of the representatives of our Dominions who have been here, and they have given ample proof of it by the part they have played in this war. The spirit which led them to take part in this war shows that they regarded it as their war, and not ours alone, in which they have their share, just as much as we have ours. That spirit obtains to-day, and it is more buoyant and stronger than ever."

(2) Mr. Lloyd George on the Workers and the War.

"We owe a great deal to the workers of this country, not merely for the part they have taken in fighting the enemy at the front, in conditions of great peril and trial, but also for the great work they have done at home, in enabling us, not merely to meet on equal terms a very formidable foe, but to meet him on terms of superiority. The victories which we have won are largely due to this work. A very small Army at the beginning of the war has become one of the most powerful armies in the field, an Army which at the present moment is conducting a great offensive, under conditions which are driving back one of the besttrained, best-equipped, most-experienced armies in Europe-driving it back mile by mile. Let us not underestimate that in the least. It is due not merely to the military skill of our generals, to the leadership of those who are acting under them, and to the valour of our troops, but it is also due to the skill and industry of our workmen in the factories."

And on the Workers' Interest in a Real Victory.

"There is no section of the community that has such an interest in the victory of the Allies as the workers of the world, and the trained instinct of Australian labour discovered it and acted upon it promptly. We are fighting for the one thing without which all the other things in the programme are unattainable and worthless. There is nothing in the programme of Labour which would be achievable if the Allies were beaten in the struggle."

(3) Mr. Fisher on the Modern Need for Continuation Schools.

"Continuation schools were a great necessity of our time, because of the change that had come over our industries, which, with the development of machinery favouring repetition processes, were becoming more automatic and less educational. In an earlier age a great deal of varied education was to be derived from industrial life, but now working people were in general revolt against its uninteresting character, and modern unrest was due to the number of skilled or potentially skilled men condemned to monotonous labour below their natural capacity. Thus the demand for more leisure was of increasing urgency. He and others who were doing interesting work could go on for long hours, but if they were not interested they would demand a limitation of hours. He anticipated that with the call for increased leisure, on the one hand, there would be, on the other hand, a large population unable to put their leisure to use. In order to meet this situation

continuation schools must be provided."

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