only want to get in for the purpofe of enjoying their places." This is the daily language of the public; and nothing, in my mind, Sir, can more clearly evince their want of confidence in the House. I am weary, Sir, with dwelling on fo ungracious a topic, and would not detain the Houfe a moment longer, were it not that I have to entreat their attention to a few words more which relate in a manner to myself alone. As a Member of the Houfe, Sir, fent hither by a large body of Conftituents, I am perfectly fenfible that during the time for which I have been chofen, I have not, nor have I the fmalleft intention or wish to fhrink from my duty in this House. I fhall, therefore, Sir, on every occafion on which I think it important, to give my Vote, take care to be prefent for that purpose. With respect to any thing further, Sir, fuch as offering my advice, or taking part in any difcuffion which may hereafter arife, I fhall beg leave to be excufed. I appeal to the House, and to the Public, Sir, as my witneffes, that in every question that has hitherto arifen fince I had a feat in Parliament, I have never failed to raife my feeble voice with every degree of exertion in my power against the baneful measures which have fo long been purtuing. All I have faid has never been of any the leaft avail. I find it is in vain to ftruggle longer; it is only a waite of words, which are returned with every degree of infult and obloquy, and which I cannot longer fubmit to. I therefore, Sir, take this opportunity of irforming the Houfe," that after this night, I SHALL NO MORE

TROUBLE THEM WITH MY OBSERVATIONS.'

I move, Sir, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to im"prove and amend the Representation of the People in the House "of Commons."

Mr. Erskine." I rife to fecond the Motion of my Honourable Friend; and, though I might content myfelf with faying that I do fo, refting upon the reafons and principles which he has fo ably detailed, and which have always been mine alfo; yet I cannot, at this awful and momentous crifis, with propriety, pursue that course. The principles upon which we maintain the cause of the People of England, and indeed the univerfal liberties of mankind, have been fo frequently and fcandaloufly misreprefented, that I owe it to my country and to myself to ftate diftinctly the motives of my conduct. I will do it with firmness, and with a moft fixed determination to follow up by my actions all that I fhall profefs.

There are three questions for confideration arifing out of the Motion which has been made :--firft, Whether the Houfe of Commons, in its prefent frame and conftitution, fulfils the ends of its office in the British Government, fo as to render any change in it inexpedient? Secondly, Whether, fuppofing a Re

form

form in Parliament to be neceffary, the fpecific propofition fubmitted to the Houfe appears to be falutary, practicable, and adapted to cure the evils complained of fo as to entitle it to the ulterior confideration of the Houfe in the form of a Bill to be brought before us? Thirdly, Whether, supposing a Reform of Parliament to be expedient, and the propofition made by the Motion to be worthy of confideration, the prefent moment is feasonable for entertaining it?

"I will offer what I have to fay on each of these points in a very few words. In examining whether the prefent Conftitution of the House fulfils its office in the Government, it is neceffary to reflect what the office and character of the House of Commons really is in genuine theory, and, in original practice. Its office is to balance the other branches of the Government, to watch with jealoufy over the Executive Power, which, for the ends of good and active Government, ought to be fo ftrong and powerful, and to protect also the popular privileges again't the encroachments of ariftocratic influence and authority. That the House of Commons once fulfilled this office is certain. That all our liberties were fecured and established by its conftant exercife, is acknowledged. We recollect, with pride and triumph, the glorious exertions of our fathers within thefe walls. When tyranny was, century after century, combated and defeated, and the liberties of England, and of the world, eftablished. It may be asked, wherefore it is, that when the House of Commons, in its prefent frame, has fo balanced the Crown, and fo reared up the British Government from infancy to maturity, it is now infufficient and unqualified ftill to preferve it? The anfwer is a plain one. Whilft the people of England were engaged in a struggle for their liberties against a powerful and arbitrary Executive Government, acting by prerogative, and not by influence and corruption, it was enough that there was a House of Commons. Whoever fent the Members, they had, when affembled, a common intereft with the whole body of the nation. Common danger united them against the Crown, and they had nothing to buy of individuals from the performance of their duty to the whole. When the Crown could not buy this Houfe, it was driven to curb its privileges. This made the Houfe as one man, and the Reprefentatives of ten or of ten thoufand, had the fame fpirit and the fame interefts on all political objects.

"But human establishments are not formed for immortality; they must change infenfibly with the infenfible changes in human affairs, or they must perish by violence. The Revolution and its confequences in the erection of a mighty Empire and a vast revenue, has totally changed the face of things.---The

Crown

Crown, instead of being balanced and curbed in this House, has, during the greatest part of this century, erected its ftandard within thefe walls, and thrown the privileges of the people into the fcale of the prerogative to govern the Nation at pleafure without any control at all. So far, indeed, is the House of Commons from being a control upon the Crown, that it is the great engine of its power.The Crown, by appearing to act with the confent of the people through their Reprefentatives, though in fact by its own influence, is enabled to carry on a fyftem which the moft abfolute Prince in our hiftory could not have faftened upon England for centuries paft. Taking this propofition in the abftract, who shall now be found to queftion it? The most celebrated commentators upon our laws have been compelled to lament it publicly in their writings on the Conftitution., That learned and enlightened judge, Sir William Blackstone, whom fome people have accufed of being too partil to the prerogatives of the Crown; has certainly given it as his decided opinion, that the great defect in the Conftitution, as established at the Revolution, arole from the imperfect Reprefentation of the people in the Houfe of Commons. The late celebrated and virtuous Lord Camden, whofe legal learning and conftitutional talents will ever be dear to the minds of Englishmen, was of the fame opinion. That great Patriot and enlightened Statefman, Sir George Saville; and that ftill greater man, the Earl of Chatham, the father of the Right Honourable Gentleman oppofite to me was of the fame opinion alfo.

"Upon a fubject like this, every man who is an advocate for fuch a fyftem, must be defirous of quoting as many authorities as he can; I fhall therefore add one more great authoIn quoting any paffages from rity, and that is Mr. Burke. him, I beg I may not be understood as applying them to the prefent House of Commons. Speaking of this branch of the Legislature, Mr. Burke obferves, that it was of a middle nature, between the Executive Government, and the people. This character it can never fuftain, unless that Houfe carries along with it a popular character. It would be better the Houfe of Commons should be infected with all the phrenzy that ever poffeffed a populace, than be obedient to the Executive GoIt had never been meant that the Houfe was to be a control on the people; but a control from the people over the crown; on which it was to have a vigilant and jealous eye; That might be a and was to take care of the Public Money. wife affembly, but it was not a natural or a proper Heufe of Commons; because it had impoverished the Nation by fquanThese obfervations were made in the dering away its Money.'

vernment.

the time of the American war; they created among the people, a feeling which I hope will never cease. The object of Mr. Burke was to hold out to the people the true benefits of the Conftitution---to hold up the genuine ftandard of the British Government. Thefe great authories were however reformers, and we know that the wifeft men were fometimes feduced by their prejudices and opinions to push their obfervation beyond the mark. Let me look therefore for a witnefs without exception, a witnefs to whole competency the prefent Ministers can take no exception, and who, as he abhorred reform, must be fuppofed to have difclofed unwillingly the difgrace of Parlia ment. Hear his opinion upon the Office of Parliament, and the fhameful departure from it in practice, and then let every man look into the glafs of his own confcience, and let the Houfe, if it can bear the picture, fay, whether it be like us at this hour.

"Whatever alterations time and the neceffary accommodation of bufinefs may have introduced, this character can never be sustained unless the Houfe of Commons fhall be made to bear fome ftamp of the actual difpofition of the people at large. It would (among public misfortunes) be an evil more natural and tolerable, that the Houfe of Commons fhould be infected with every epidemical phrenzy of the people, as this would indicate fome confanguinity, fome fympathy of nature with their Conftituents, than that they fhould in all cafes be wholly untouched by the opinions and feelings of the people out of doors. By this want of fympathy they would ceafe to be a Houfe of Commons; for it is not the derivation of the power of that House from the people which makes it, in a diftinct fenfe their Representative; for, the King is the Reprefentative of the people; fo are the Lords; and fo are the Judges. For they all are trustees for the people, as well as the Commons: becaufe no power is given for the fole fake of the holder; and, although Government certainly is an inftitution of Divine authority, yet its forms, and the perfons who adminifter it, all originate from the people.

"A popular origin cannot, therefore, be the characteristical diftinction of a popular Reprefentative, which belongs equally to all parts of Government, and in all forms. THE VIRTUE,

SPIRIT, AND ESSENCE OF A HOUSE OF COMMONS CONSISTS IN ITS BEING THE EXPRESS IMAGE OF THE FEELINGS OF

THE NATION. It was not inftituted to be a control upon the people, as of late it has been taught, by a doctrine of the moft pernicious tendency, but as a control for the people. Other inftitutions have been formed for the purpose of checking popular exceffes; and they are, I apprehend, fully adequate to their object. If not, they ought to be made fo. But the Houfe of Commons, as it was never intended for the support of peace

and

and fubordination, is miferably appointed for that fervice; having no ftronger weapon than its Mace, and no better officer than its Serjeant at Arms, which it can command of its own proper authority. A vigilant and jealous eye over executory and judicial magiftracy; an anxious care of public money, an openness approaching towards facility, to public complaint:--thefe feem to be the true characteristics of an Houfe of Commons. BUT AN ADDRESSING HOUSE OF COMMONS, AND A PETITIONING NATION; A HOUSE OF COMMONS FULL OF CONFIDENCE, WHEN THE NATION IS PLUNGED IN DESPAIR; IN THE UTMOST HARMONY WITH MINISTERS, WHOM THE PEOPLE REGARD WITH THE UTMOST ABHORRENCE; WHO VOTE THANKS, WHEN THE PUCLIC OPINION CALLS UPON THEM FOR IMPEACHMENTS; WHO ARE EAGER TO GRANT, WHEN THE GENERAL VOICE DEMANDS RECKONING AND ACCOUNT; WHO, IN ALL DISPUTES BETWEEN THE PEOPLE AND ADMINISTRATION, PRESUME AGAINST THE

PEOPLE;
WHO PUNISH THEIR DISORDERS, BUT REFUSE
EVEN TO INQUIRE INTO THE PROVOCATIONS TO THEM :---
THIS IS AN UNNATURAL, A MONSTROUS STATE OF THINGS
IN THIS CONSTITUTION.

"Sir, this is in plain English the degraded, disgraceful state of this Affembly at this moment. There was a time, and it has undergone no improvement fince, when the Right Honourable Gentleman admitted this to be the truth. He admitted during the American war what he denies to maintain in his own war. Does any man now doubt that the Conftitut.on of this House was the cause of war with America, of the difmemberment of the empire which followed it, and of all the portentous confequences which have fince crowded in its train. It has been often faid, that the American war was at firft the war of the people. No doubt it was, as every act of Government will be popular which does not proceed merely from the Crown, but begins with the general fanction of the People's Representatives. The Crown fecures all the men of influence, property and confideration in Parliament; and they carry the people with them until they are brought at laft to their fenfes by calamity and impending ruin. My propofition, therefore, is, that with the management of the mighty revenue in the hands of the Crown, and taking into confideration the manner in which the Members of the House are elected, the House of Commons has totally loft its original office and character as a balance against the Crown.

"The spirit which the Right Honourable Gentleman himself had raised on that fubject began to fhew itfelf again a few years ago--and my Honourable Friend and I thinking, as we think No. 39 9 A