At length the general congress, on which all America had their eyes now fixed, met at Philadelphia for the first time, September 4, 1774. This assembly confifted of fifty-one members, delegated in such proportions from the different colonies as corresponded with their varied extent and population, though each colony had a distinct and separate vote. Amongst their first resolves they passed an unanimous vote, that this assembly deeply feels the sufferings of their countrymen in the Massachusetts, under the operation of the late unjuft, cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament; that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which their opposition to those measures has been conducted; and they trust that the united efforts of America in their behalf will carry conviction to the British nation of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present adminiftration. But if the late acts of parliament shall be attempted to be caried into execution by force, in such cafes all America ought to support the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay in their oppofition. The congress also published a declaration of rights, to which they conceived themselves entitled by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and their several charters or compacts. After a specification of these rights, and an enumeration of the recent violations of them, they mention, that, in hopes of being reftored to that state in which both countries formerly found happiness and profperity, they have for the present only refolved to pursue the following peaceable measures, viz. to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement; and to prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, a memorial to the inhabitants of British America, and a loyal and humble petition to his majesty. All these different addresses and declarations were drawn up with great ability, prudence, and moderation. They call upon the people of Great Britain to witness their loyalty and attachment to the common interests of the empire; they appeal to their own acknowledginent of this truth, manifested

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by the reimbursement of large sums of money which they had advanced during the late war, with zeal far beyond their proportional ability. They then proceed to state and examine the measures of government, and the acts of the British parliament, which they confider as hoftile to America. They adduce strong arguments to shew that the final success of the ministerial plans would in the end be as fatal to the liberties of Britain as to those of America. " Place us," say they, "in the same situation that we were in at the close of the last war, and our former harmony will be restored." In the memorial to the inhabitants of British America, they deeply deplore the neceffity which pressed them to an immediate interruption of commerce, and apologize by saying, "We are driven by the hands of violence into unexperienced and unexpected public convulfions, and are contending for freedom fo often contended for by our ancestors." Towards the close they have these words: " We think ourselves bound in duty to observe to you, that the schemes agitated against these colonies have been so conducted as to render it prudent that you should extend your views to the most unhappy events, and be in all refpects prepared for every contingency."

But the congrefs feemed to reserve their chief strength for the address to the KING, whichis penned with extraordinary force and animation, in many parts rising to a very high strain of eloquence. They express their "confidence, that as his majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, the language of freemen cannot be displeasing:" adding, " your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful fubjects, have at length compelled us by the force of accumulated injuries to disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints." They assure his majesty, that for the support of civil government, and the administration of justice, such provision has been, and will be made by the colonial legislatures as may be judged suitable to their respective circumstances. They

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They affirm, that for their defence, protection, and security in time of peace, their militias, if properly regulated, would be fully sufficient; and in case of war, his faithful colonifts will be ready and willing, as they have ever been when constitutionally required, to demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and raifing forces. They say, "we ask but for peace, liberty, and fafety. We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we folicit the grant of any new right in our favor. In the magnanimity and justice of your majesty and parliament we confide for a redress of our grievances, trusting that when the causes of our apprehenfions are removed, our future conduct will prove us not unworthy of the regard we have been accustomed in our happier days to enjoy. And appealing to that Being who searches thoroughly the hearts of his creatures, we solemnly profess that our counsels have been influenced by no other motive than a dread of impending destruction. We implore therefore your majefty, as the loving father of all your people, connected by the same bands of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, not to suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties to be further violated in uncertain expectation of effects, which, if attained, never can compenfate for the calamities through which they must be gained. So may your majesty enjoy every temporal felicity throughout a long and glorious reign, and your defcendants inherit your profperity and dominions till time shall be no more." It is difficult to conceive how this address could be read without exciting, in the breasts even of the most obdurate, strong emotions of compunction and remorse; but there are those who have hearts and understandings upon which no impreffion can be made by any effort of human reason, and who can resolutely " turn a deaf ear to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely."

In a subsequent address to the Roman Catholic inhabitants of Canada, the congress with perfpicuity and energy state to the Canadians the rights enjoyed under that constitution from

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from which by the late act they are debarred. rights," say they, "defend the poor from the rich, the weak from the powerful, the industrious from the rapacious, the peaceable from the violent, the tenants from the lords, and all from their superiors. They invite and folicit them to consult their own glory and welfare, and to unite with them in one focial compact. Your province," say they, " is the only link wanting to complete the bright and strong chain of union. Nature has joined your country to ours, join alfo your political interests by an acceffion to the general confederation." But the spirit of liberty was too faint and feeble in Canada, and the aristocracy and priesthood too powerful to admit of any confiderable effect from this address. The congress, having finished their deliberations, diffolved themselves after an uninterrupted feffion of fifty-two days. Such was the noble and enthusiastic deteftation of this affembly to tyranny and flavery, that in one of their debates respecting the probability and danger of a rupture with Great Britain, a leading member rose up and faid, " I should advise perfifting in our struggle, though it were revealed from heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish in the conteft, and only one of a thousand to survive and retain his liberty." The laft refolution of this assembly imported that another congrefs thall be held the 10th day of May 1775, unless redress of grievances be obtained before that time.

General Gage had issued writs for convoking the general court of Massachusetts at Salem on the 5th of October, which subsequent events induced him to recall; but the court nevertheless met, and, voting themselves into a provincial congress, appointed a committee to present a remonftrance to the governor, complaining in strong terms of the late arbitrary laws, and the hoftile preparations making to enforce them. The governor refused to recognize them as a lawful affembly, and warned them at their peril to defift from their illegal and unconftitutional proceedings. To this requifition or menace little regard was paid, and at a fubfequent meeting a plan

a plan was drawn up for the immediate defence of the province; magazines of ammunition and stores were provided for twelve thousand militia, and an enrolment made of a number of minute men, so called from their engaging to turn out with their arms at a minute's warning. Winter approaching, the governor was defirous of providing barracks and clothing for the foldiers: but no workmen could be procured; and the merchants returned for anfwer, that they never would supply any article for the benefit of men who were fent as enemies to their country. Every thing now served to increase the mutual apprehenfion and animosity. A magazine of powder at Charlestown, near Boston, had been feized by general Gage's order, and a battery of cannon spiked by a detachment from the shipping. On the other hand, the fort at Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, was afsaulted by an armed body of provincials, and after a flight refistance carried by storm, and the powder it contained was fent off in boats to a place of safety. A fimilar spirit of retaliation and resistance almost every where discovered itself. The resolutions of the continental congress were univerfally confirmed by the provincial assemblies or conventions, and committees of infpection and observation were appointed in order to enforce due obedience to the public decifions.

It is now neceffary to revert to the state of affairs in England, where paffion had during this interval sufficient leifure to cool, and the greatest anxiety began to prevail as to the refult of the late measures of administration. Lord Chatham, whose sentiments and feelings on all subjects of public concern must be regarded as peculiarly interesting, in a confidential letter to a friend, dated August 1774, writes, "every step on the fide of government, in America, seems calculated to drive the Americans into open resistance, vainly hoping to crush the spirit of liberty in that vast continent at one fuccessful blow; but millions must perish there before the seeds of freedom will ceafe to grow and spread in so favorable a foil : and in the mean time devoted England must sink herself un

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