fidering, that the essential and immutable difference subsisting in the relative situations of Great Britain and America made that doctrine, which, in oppofition to the arbitrary power of the crown, was confidered as the basis of liberty in England, the effence of tyranny to the colonies; and the unrestrained power of taxation in particular, was on several accounts more likely to be abused by a popular assembly, in its exercise over a distant community, than by an abfolute monarch. On the other hand, the great body of the whigs, headed by various families of the highest rank, to whom power had been chiefly entrusted since the æra of the revolution till the accession of the present sovereign, held the war in abhorrence and detestation; and they conceived resistance to be equally justifiable to the tyranny of the many as of the few, or the mere will of a despot. The commercial part of the community, with the city of London confpicuous in the van, were for the most part extremely averse to the war, from which they experienced great inconvenience; and which, unfettered by the entanglements of political theories, they perceived by the clear light of common sense to have no rational end or object. A considerable proportion of the clergy, men candid, impartial, intelligent, and truly attached to the principles of civil and religious liberty, joined in lamenting this disastrous and fatal quarrel. The whole body of dissenters, and the sectaries of all denominations, threw the entire weight of their numbers and influence into the same scale; many of these employed their pens ably and eloquently in the cause of America, amongst whom by far the most distinguished was the celebrated Dr. Richard Price, a dissenting minifter of extraordinary learning and talents, who had recently written with profound skill on the subject of the national finances, and the powers of the sinking fund; the restoration of which he urged with great energy. And his ideas on the fubject, though long treated as chimerical, have been at length adopted by the present minister, Mr. Pitt, whose famous sinking fund bill was framed in strict confor

mity to the ideas suggested by this excellent and disinterested patriot, who difdained any other reward than that refulting from the confciousness of the services he had rendered to his country. On the prefent occafion he published " OBSERVATIONS on the justice and policy of the WAR with AMERICA," which had a rapid and prodigious sale, and produced an incredible number of replies; for to reply was easy, though to confute impoffible. "IN A FREE STATE," says this admirable writer, "all the springs of action have room to operate, and the mind is stimulated to the noblest exertions. The subjects of free states have in all ages been most diftinguished for genius and knowledge. With what lustre do the antient free ftates of Greece shine in the annals of the world! How different is that country now under the Great Turk ! The difference between a country inhabited by MEN and by BRUTES is not greater. These are reflections which should be constantly present to every mind in this country. There is nothing that requires more to be watched than power; there is nothing that ought to be opposed with more determined resolution than its encroachments. Sleep in a state, as Montesquieu says, is always followed by slavery. In governing diftant provinces, and adjusting the clashing interests of different societies, it is particularly necessary to make a sparing use of power in order to preserve power. Happy would it have been for Great Britain, had this been remembered by those who have lately conducted its affairs. But our policy has been of another kind. By a progreffion of violent measures, every one of which has increased distress, we have given the world reason to conclude, that we know no other mode of governing than by force. But our rulers should have confidered that freemen will always revolt at the fight of a naked sword, and that the complicated affairs of a great kingdom holding in fubordination to it a multitude of diftant communities, all jealous of their rights, and warmed with spirits as high as our own, require not only the most skilful but the most cautious and tender management. The consequence of a different management we are now feeling. We fee ourselves driven among rocks, and in danger of being loft: pride and the love of dominion are principles hateful enough, but blind resentment and the defire of revenge are infernal principles. One cannot help indeed being aftonished at the virulence with which some speak, on the present occafion, of the colonies for what have they done? Have they croffed the ocean and invaded us? Have they attempted to take from us the fruits of our labor, and to overturn that form of government which we hold so facred? On the contrary, this is what we have done to them. We have tranfported ourselves to their peaceful retreats, and employed our fleets and armies to stop up their ports, to destroy their commerce, and to burn their towns; and yet it is we who imagine ourselves ill used. Had we never deserted our old ground; had we nourished and favored America with a view to commerce, instead of confidering it as a country to be governed; had we like a liberal and wife people, rejoiced to see a multitude of free states branching forth from ourselves, all enjoying independent legislatures similar to our own: had we aimed at binding them to us only by the ties of affection and interest, and contented ourselves with a moderate power rendered durable by being lenient and friendly, an umpire in their differences, an aid to them in improving their own free governments, and their common bulwark against the affaults of foreign enemies; had this been our policy and temper, there is nothing so great or happy that we might not have expected. Instead of this, how have we acted? -It is in truth too evident, that our whole conduct has been nothing, to say the best of it, but a series of the blindest rigour followed by retraction of violence followed by conceffion-of mistake, weakness, and inconsistency. Did ever Heaven punish the vices of a people more feverely by darkening their counsels? In the Netherlands, a few states similarly circumstanced with those of America, withstood for 30 years the whole force of the Spanish monarchy when at its zenith, and and at laft humbled its pride, and emancipated itself from its tyranny. The citizens of Syracuse, also thus circumftanced, withstood the whole power of the Athenians. The same happened in the conteft between the house of Austria and the cantons of Switzerland. There is an infinite difference between fighting to destroy and fighting to preserve liberty. Were we therefore capable of employing a force against America equal to its own, there would be little probability of fuccess: but to think of conquering that whole continent with thirty or forty thousand men, to be transported across the Atlantic, and fed from hence, and incapable of being recruited after any defeat; this is indeed a folly so great, that language does not afford a name for it. Perhaps I am not in the present instance free from the weakness of fuperstition, but I fancy I see in these measures something that cannot be accounted for merely by human ignorance. I am inclined to think that the hand of Providence is in them, working to bring about some great ends. But suppose the attempt to subjugate America fuccessful, would it not be a fatal preparative for fubduing yourselves? Would not the disposal of American places, and the distribution of an American revenue, render that influence of the crown irresistible which has already stabbed your liberties? Turn your eyes to INDIA: there, more has been done than is now attempted in America: there, Englishmen, actuated by the love of plunder and the fpirit of conqueft, have depopulated whole kingdoms, and ruined millions of innocent people by the most infamous opprefsion and rapacity. The justice of the nation has flept over these enormities. Will the JUSTICE of HEAVEN fleep? ARE WE NOT NOW EXECRATED ON BOTH SIDES OF THE GLOBE?"-For this publication the writer was deservedly honored with the thanks of the city of London, and the freedom of that metropolis was presented to him in a gold box, by an unanimous vote of the corporate body.

During the pause of anxious suspense preceding the commencement of the memorable campaign of 1776 in America, it will not be improper to take a general review of the state of Europe for some years past, and of its actual fituation; his majesty having in his late speech afferted, that the disposition of the several powers of the continent promised a continuance of the general tranquillity.

The

FRANCE, in an historic sketch of this kind, must neceffarily occupy the fore-ground of the picture. death of Louis XV. who, for the long term of nine-andfifty years, reigned with absolute and arbitrary sway over that vast monarchy, had taken place nearly at the commencement of the present troubles (May 10th, 1774.) Не was succeeded by his grandfon Louis the Dauphin, who had scarcely as yet attained the twentieth year of his age. This young prince had in the year 1770 married the ArchDuchefs Marie Antoinette, daughter of the empress-queen -a princess endowed with all the fafcinating graces of her - fex; by which apparently aufpicious alliance, according to the short-fighted views of human policy, the peace of Europe, so often disturbed by the contentions of the rival houses of Bourbon and Austria, seemed to be firmly cemented and secured. A great acquifition of revenue and territory had recently accrued to France by the death of Staniflaus, king of Poland (February 1766,) in a far advanced age; in consequence of which event, the duchies of Lorraine and Bar, poffefsed by that monarch in full property during his life, reverted to France, agreeably to the treaty concluded A. D. 1736, with the court of Vienna, under the fortunate aufpices of cardinal Fleury.

The latter years of the life of the late king of France were passed in a series of political conflicts with the several parliaments of that kingdom, particularly the parliament of Paris; which high and august tribunal still retained, by means of its constitutional privilege of enregistering the royal edicts, without which they had no legal validity, some degree