these grounds his lordship moved, " that the house should refolve itself into a committee to confider of the revisal of all acts of parliament by which his majesty's subjects in America think themselves aggrieved." The minifters, though thrown by the surprize of this motion into fome perplexity, alleged in their vindication, "That the paper in question was not of fufficient moment to be laid before parliament, being no treaty nor part of a treaty, but barely a preliminary, which might poffibly lead to one. That a public proclamation, fubmitted to the general inspection upon the walls and houses of New York, could not however be intended to be kept from the knowledge of parliament; and they conceived the authority exercised by the commiffioners to be already delegated by the act under which they derived their power-that, as to the motion itself, they conceived it to be highly improper, as tending to disgrace the commiffioners, and defeat their endeavors to obtain the most advantageous terms for this kingdom. They also insisted, that, until the spirit of independency was effectually subdued, it would be idle and futile to enter upon any revisions; but from our late successes there was little room to doubt but that the cruel thraldom in which the people of America were held by the congress would be quickly diffolved, and that America would return to her duty with more eagerness and alacrity than she had entered into this revolt; and that then would be the time to talk of legislative regulations for their future government." This language kindled anew the indignation of the opposition. "That the most important paper published in the course of this controversy, containing propofitions of conciliation in which the house were parties so nearly concerned, should not be thought of fufficient moment to be laid before them, was treated as an incredible extravagance; and to pretend that the commiffioners were already authorised to engage for the revision of the laws in question, was a palpable falsehood. The act by which they they were appointed empowered them only to grant pardons, and enquire into grievances; and the concurrence of the house was absolutely necessary to give effect to the proclamation. If the ministers opposed such concurrence, it was evident that the offer was a branch of that infidious and treacherous system by which they aimed to divide, while by their fleets and armies they were endeavoring to destroy and exterminate the colonies. To say that this proclamation was not intended to be kept from the knowledge of parliament, was a mockery of parliament; for how could the members of that house be supposed acquainted with the papers posted up in the streets of New York?" But the doctrine they most of all reprobated, was, that an absolute and unconditional renunciation of American independence must precede the revision of the laws in question, or any redress of grievances whatever. " Upon what precedent," said they, "is this horrid maxim founded? or what code of history or policy have our ministers made the rule of their prefent conduct? Philip II. of Spain, who was in his day considered as the most gloomy and unrelenting tyrant in christendom, adopted a wiser and more moderate policy. In his wars with the revolted provinces of Holland, he repeatedly promised, in terms the most explicit and positive, the complete redress of all their grievances, without requiring a previous renunciation of their independence. But the doctrine now broached was a doctrine which led to the last extremities of human mifery. It was a condition which could not be enforced without the effusion of oceans of blood, and in fact it was holding out to America the option only of SLAVERY or DEATH." The motion, after a long and paffionate debate, was negatived by a majority of 62 voices; and from this time many of the opposition, chiefly of the Rockingham party, absented themselves from the house, and a clear field was left during the greater part of the feffion to the ministers-the vast supplies demanded by them being granted " granted in almost empty houses, without examination or debate. A gloomy filence prevailed, and ministers in the height of their parliamentary triumphs were ill able to counterfeit the external appearances of fatisfaction. The members of the feceffion, in vindication of themselves, urged "that there was no saving a people against their will; that they had for a fucceffion of years apprized and warned the nation of the dangers attending those ruinous measures which it was pursuing, and of the fatal precipice that muft terminate this mad ministerial career-it was too degrading to be the continual instruments of opposing the ineffective weapons of reason and argument to a system of pre-determined irritation and violence that as good and bad success were equally urged, and alike admitted, as motives for a perseverance in this course, it was not the part of wisdom to strive with impossibilities, or to draw upon themselves the odium of their fellow-citizens by an ineffectual attempt to serve them-that they would therefore reserve their exertions for a feason when the present national delirium had fo far abated as to afford fome hope of advantage." Soon after the recess the minister, depending perhaps on the present indisposition of the minority to contest any point whatever with the court, introduced a bill to enable his majesty to secure and detain persons charged with or SUSPECTED of the crime of high treason committed in America or on the high seas. With such negligent latitude, or to speak more justly, with such treacherous artifice of construction, was the bill framed, that, by the enacting clauses, the crown was enabled, at its pleasure, to commit any person refident in the British dominions to cuftody, without bail or mainprize, under his majesty's sign manual, in any place of confinement situate in Great Britain or ELSEWHERE. For though the act of treason, according to the proposed bill, must be committed in Ame 1 rica, the crown lawyers and the king's friends maintained, and cafes were quoted to prove, that such treasonable act might be perpetrated by persons who had never been out of the kingdom, if its operation could be subsequently shewn to extend to America. Thus was the Habeas Corpus act, that great bulwark of British liberty, completely annihilated by a vile and infamous construction of law, which left it in the power of the crown to apprehend on the flightest fufpicion, or pretence of fufpicion, any individual against whom the vengeance of the court was meant to be directed; and to convey them beyond the feas to any of the garrisons in Africa or the Indies, far from all hope or poffibility of relief. The alarm occafioned by this bill brought back the members of the oppofition to the house, and a most resolute, vigorous, and animated resistance was made to it in every stage of its progress. At length the minifter, who really appears not to have been thoroughly apprized of the nature of the bill, and of the dreadful extent of the powers vested by it in the crown, frankly and explicitly disavowed as to himself all design of extending the operation of the bill beyond its open and avowed objects. He said, "that the bill was intended for America, and not for England; that, as he should ask for no power that was not wanted, so he would scorn to receive it by any covert means: and that, far from wishing to establish any unconstitutional precedent, he neither fought nor wished any powers to be vested in the crown or its ministers which were capable of being employed to bad or oppressive purposes." He therefore agreed to receive the amendments proposed; the principal of which were in substance: 1. That the clause empowering his majesty to confine such persons as might be apprehended under this act in any part of his dominions, should be modified by the insertion of the words, "within the realm;" and 2dly, That an additional clause or provifo be inferted, " that nothing in this act shall be construed strued to extend to persons resident in Great Britain." These conceffions gave extreme offence to the leaders of the high prerogative party, who had zealously defended the bill in its original state, and who now exclaimed, "that they were deferted by the minifter in a manner which seemed calculated to disgrace the whole measure, to confirm all the charges and furmises of their adversaries, and to fix all the odium upon them." And it was indeed sufficiently evident from the whole conduct of the bufiness, that the minister on this and other occafions, was not admitted into the inmost recesses of the royal cabinet. On the 9th of April 1777, a message was delivered by the minister from the king, in which his majesty expreffed his concern in acquainting the house with the difficulties he labored under from the debts incurred by expences of the civil government, amounting on the 5th of January preceding to upwards of 600,000l. And the house on this message refolving itself into a committee of supply, the minister moved, " that the sum of 618,000l. be granted to enable his majesty to discharge the debts of the civil government; and that the sum of 100,000l. per annum, over and above the sum of 800,000l. be granted as a farther provifion for the fame." This gave rise to a vehement debate. It was affirmed to be a measure of the grossest impropriety and indecency to bring forward fuch a demand in such a season of national distress and calamity; when burdens are accumulated upon burdens, to tell a people already sinking under their load, that the grandeur of the crown is not fufficiently supported; and that an increase of taxes is necessary in order to increase its splendor! But even this plea, however inadequate to the justification of minifters, was far remote from the truth. It was notorious that the debt had been incurred in carrying on and supporting a system of corruption; in obtaining that baneful and unbounded influence which had fwept |