every thing before it; which had brought the nation to the brink of destruction, and had deprived us in a very great meafure of all the benefits derived from a limited government. The harsh and stern voice of prerogative was indeed no longer heard; but the danger was much greater from the filent progress of a malady, which, though flower, was far more certain. They said, that the debts of the crown had been not many years fince discharged without account, to the amount of more than half a million. What is the consequence? Another and larger demand is made, and a vast annual increase asked, without even the wretched security of ministerial promise, that new debts will not be contracted, and new augmentations demanded. They observed, that, on a comparison of the expenditure of the last eight years, with a fimilar period terminating the reign of the late king, the excess of the article of pensions would be found to amount to 213,000l. and that the increase in the article of fecret service was yet more enormous. In two lines only, the sums of 171,000l. and 114,000l. were charged for fecret services, issued under the direction of the secretaries of the treasury. That money should be entrusted to the secretaries of state, for the purpose of procuring foreign intelligence, must doubtless be acknowledged neceffary; but that the fubordinate officers of the treasury, who can have no public connection beyond their own office, should be avowed irresponsible agents for the unlimited disposal of the public money, was indeed alarming; and left no room for doubt as to its defign or application. Above half a million was stated under the head of the Board of Works, though no one could conjecture on what palace, park, garden, or royal work of any kind the money had been expended; nor were any vouchers produced by which the house could form a judgment of the propriety of any branch of the expenditure. It appeared only upon the whole, that under every head the expence was infinitely increafed,

1

increased, while the external splendor of royalty was in the fame proportion diminished. The accounts laid upon the table stated the annual allowance for the privy purse to be raised from 48,000l. in the late reign to 60,000l. and, what was much more extraordinary, it appeared that the queen's privy purse was fixed at 50,000l. although queen Ann, reigning as fovereign in her own right, had contented herself with an allowance of 20,000l. -Such nevertheless was the unlimited complaisance of parliament, that the demands of the minister were granted almost without the formality of a divifion*.

The oppofition in the house of lords was equally unavailing. The bill was, however, accompanied with a strong proteft; but the most remarkable circumftance attending it, was the speech made by the speaker of the house of commons to his majesty, on presenting it a few days afterwards for the royal assent." In a time, SIRE," said he, " of public distress, full of difficulty and danger, their constituents labouring under burdens almost too heavy to be borne, your faithful commons, postponing all other business, have not only granted to your majesty a large present supply, but also a very great additional revenue, great beyond example, great beyond your majesty's highest expence; but all this, SIR, they have done in the wellgrounded confidence, that you will apply wisely what they have granted liberally." The countenance of the king plainly indicated how little acceptable was this unexpected liberty. On the return of the speaker and the attendant members, the thanks of the house were nevertheless immediately voted him; yet not without exciting the secret and acrimonious resentment of the king's friends, or prerogative party; one of whom, Mr. Rigby, took occasion in a subsequent debate debate to arraign the conduct of the speaker with unusual vehemence, as conveying little less than an insult on the king, and as equally misrepresenting the sense of parliament and the state of the nation. The sentiments delivered at the bar of the other house, he said, were not those of the house of commons; he for one totally disclaimed them; and he had no doubt but a majority of the house thought with him. The speaker appealed to the vote of thanks which had been passed, as a proof that he had not been guilty of the misrepresentation imputed to him: and the minister, uneasy at the altercation, intimated his wish that the subject might not be farther discussed. But Mr. Fox, immediately rising, declared, " that a ferious and direct charge having been brought, the question was now at issue. Either the speaker had misrepresented the sense of the house, or he had not. He should therefore, in order to bring this question to a proper and final decifion, move, that the speaker of the house, in his speech to his majesty at the bar of the house of peers, did express with just and proper energy the sentiments of this house." The speaker himself declared, " that he would fit no longer in that chair than while he was supported in the free exercise of his duty. He had discharged what he conceived to be his duty, intending only to express the sense of the house; and from the vote of approbation with which he had been honored, he had reason to believe, he was not chargeable with any mifrepresentation." The ministers now found themselves involved in a most unpleasant dilemma, and in pressing terms recommended the withdrawment of the motion. This being positively refused, Mr. Rigby moved for the house to adjourn. But the house appearing evidently sensible of the degradation which its dignity must sustain from any affront offered to the chair, he at length thought fit in some degree to concede; and professed, " that he meant no reflection upon the character of the speaker, but that what he had faid was the mere expreffion of his pri

vate opinion, and the result of that freedom of speech which was the right and privilege of every member of that house, without respect of perfons; and that, if what he had advanced was not agreeable to the sense of that house, he would readily withdraw his motion of adjournment:" which being done, Mr. Fox's motion was unanimoufly carried; and, to complete the triumph, the thanks of the house to the speaker for his conduct in this affair were also moved, and agreed to without opposition.

The feffion being now near its close, lord Chatham, unwilling that it should pass over without some public teftimony of his unutterable abhorrence of the war which now diftracted and convulsed the empire, and of the principles and conduct of those men whose weak and wicked counsels had involved the nation in its present calamities, attended the house of peers on the 30th of May, wrapped in flannels, and bearing a crutch in each hand. At the rifk of his health, and perhaps of his life, this great statesman presented himfelf thus oppressed with infirmities, for the purpose of moving their lordships, who had been previously fummoned, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise his majesty to take the most speedy and effectual measures for putting a stop to the prefent unnatural war against the colonies, upon the only just and folid foundation, namely, the removal of accumulated grievances." His lordship faid, that he had at different times made different propositions, adapted to the circumstances in which they were offered. The plan contained in the former bill was at this time, he confessed, impracticable. "The present motion will open the way for treaty. It will be the harbinger of peace, and will convince the Americans, that parliament is fincerely difposed to reconciliation. We have tried for unconditional fubmiffion-let us now try what can be gained by unconditional redress. The door of mercy has been hitherto shut against them; you have ransacked every corner of Germany for boors and ruffians

VOL. I.

Dd

sians to invade and ravage their country; for to conquer it, my lords, is impoffible-you CANNOT do it. I may as well pretend to drive them before me with THIS CRUTCH. I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last will come your equinoctial disappointment. But were it practicable by a long continued course of success to conquer America, the holding it in subjection afterwards will be utterly impoffible. No benefit can be derived from that country to this, but by the goodwill and pure affection of the inhabitants: this is not to be gained by force of arms; their affection is only to be recovered by reconciliation and justice. If ministers are founded in saying, that no engagements are entered into by America with France, there is yet a moment left; the point of honor is still safe; a few weeks may decide our fate as a nation. Were America suffered to form a treaty with France, we should not only lose the immense advantages resulting from the vast and increasing commerce of our colonies, but those advantages would be thrown into the hands of our hereditary enemy. America, my lords, is now contending with Great Britain under a MASKED BATTERY of France, which will open as the perceives this country to be sufficiently weakened by the contest. France will not lose so fair an opportunity of separating for ever America from this kingdom. This is the critical mement-for such a treaty must and will take place, should pacification be delayed; and war between England and France is not the less probable because profeffions of amity continue to be made. It would be folly in France to declare it now, while America gives full employment to our arnis, and is pouring into her lap her wealth and produce. While the trade of Great Britain languishes, while her taxes increase and her revenues diminith, France is securing and drawing to herself that commerce which is the basis of your power. My motion was stated generally, that I might leave the question at large to the wisdom of your lordships. But, my lords, I