removing all doubts and apprehenfions concerning taxation by the parliament of Great Britain in any of the colonies and plantations in North America; and 2. A bill to enable his majesty to appoint commissioners, with sufficient powers to treat, confult, and agree upon means of quieting the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies in America."

His lordship in opening his plan acknowledged, " that he had always known that American taxation could never produce a beneficial revenue-that it was not his policy to tax them, but that he had found them taxed when he unfortunately came into administration-and that he could not poffibly suspect the regulation he had introduced in relation to the tea-duty, could have been productive of such fatal confequences. With respect to the coercive acts, his lordship faid, they had appeared necessary to remedy the distempers of the time; he complained, that the events of the war had turned out very different from what he had a right to expect from the great and well-appointed force fent over, but to events and not expectations he must make his plan conform. His lordship faid, that the appointment of five commissioners was in contemplation, who should be enabled to treat with the congress as if it were a legal body; or with any individuals in their present civil capacities, or military commands;-that they should have a power to order a suspension of arms, to fufpend the operation of all laws, and to grant all forts of pardons. A preliminary renunciation of independency would not be required of America, and a contribution in any shape from America was not to be infifted upon as a fine qua non of the treaty. These conceffions his lordship declared to be founded on reason and propriety; and if the question was asked, why they had not been sooner proposed, he should reply, that the moment of victory, for which he had anxioufly waited, seemed to him the only proper season for offering terms of conceffion. But though the result of the VOL. I.

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war had proved unfavorable, he would no longer delay the desirable and necessary work of reconciliation."

Never, perhaps, was the inexpressible absurdity of the ministerial system more apparent than at the present moment. The powers now granted were precisely of the nature of those with which it was the object of the motion inade by the duke of Grafton, in the spring of 1776, to invest the former commiffioners, lord and general Howe. Had that motion been adopted, the contest might unqueftionably have been, with the utmost facility, amicably and honorably terminated; but the general aspect of affairs fince that period was totally changed. From the declaration of independency which America had once made, she could never be expected to recede. The strength of Great Britain had been tried, and found unequal to the contest. The measures adopted by the English government, particularly in the employment of German mercenaries and Indian savages, had inflamed the resentment of America to the highest pitch. Her recent successes had rendered it to the last degree improbable that she would ever again confent to recognise, in any shape, or under any modification, the authority of Britain. A treaty of peace, commerce, and alliance was all that a just and found policy, in the present circumstances, could hope, or would endeavor to accomplish.

The propofitions of the minister were received by the house without any symptoms of applause; on the contrary, they were affailed by objections from all quarters. The high-prerogative party lamented the degradation which the bills would bring upon the government of this country. They insisted that our resources were great and inexhaustible; and they bitterly deplored that pufillanimity in our councils, which, after so great an expence of blood and treasure, could submit, not only to give up all the objects of the contest, but to enter into a public treaty with armed rebels, which, after all, would not produce the end proposed

The oppofition, usually so called, expressed their reluctant agreement in the probable truth of this prediction. The chances, in point of calculation, were infinitely against the fuccess of the measure; but still there was a chanceand they would not, in any manner, impede or delay the execution of a plan which had conciliation for its object. They were not, however, the less severe upon the defence fet up by the minister.

Mr. Fox afferted, " that his lordship had attempted a justification of the most unjustifiable measures which had ever disgraced any government or ruined any country. But his arguments might be collected into one point, his excuses comprised in one apology-in one single wordIGNORANCE: a palpable and total ignorance of every part of the subject. He hoped, and he was disappointed-he thought America would have fubmitted to his laws, and they had refifted them-he thought they would have fubmitted to his armies, and they had defeated them-he made conciliatory propositions, and he thought they would succeed, but they were rejected-he appointed commiffioners to make peace, and he thought they had powers; but he found they could not make peace, and that they had not fufficient powers. Had the prefent conceffions been offered in time, Mr. Fox faid, they would undoubtedly have been fuccessful: for, however obscure his former propofitions of conciliation might be deemed, NECESSITY had at length compelled the noble lord to speak plain. But what cenfure would be found sufficient, he asked, on those minifters who had adjourned parliament, in order to make a propofition of conciliation, and then neglected to do it until France had concluded a treaty with the united and independent states of America, and acknowledged them as such? He did not speak from furmise, he faid, he had it from authority he could not question, that the

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treaty he mentioned had been figned in Paris ten days before; he therefore wished that the noble lord would give the house fatisfaction on that interesting point." The minifter, being closely pressed, at length reluctantly acknowledged, " that it was but too probable such a treaty was in agitation, though he had no authority to pronounce absolutely that it was concluded:" and it was animadverted upon as a very extraordinary circumstance, that the intelligence of a private member of that house should be sooner received, and more authentically afcertained, than that of the government. The conciliatory bills were carried through both houses early in March.

On the second reading of the bills in the house of peers, the duke of Grafton informed their lordships, that he had, what he conceived to be, indubitable intelligence, that a treaty had been actually signed between France and America: and his grace demanded from the ministers a public avowal or disavowal of this important fact. To which lord Weymouth, secretary of state, replied, " that he knew nothing of any such treaty, nor had received any authentic information of its being either in existence or contemplation." Nevertheless, within a very few days after this extraordinary declaration, lord North delivered a royal message to the house of commons, and lord Wey

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mouth to the house of peers, in which the king informed the two houses, " that a rescript had been delivered by the ambaffador of his most christian majesty, containing a direct avowal of the treaty of amity, commerce, and alliance, recently concluded with America; in consequence of which offensive communication on the part of the court of France, his majesty had sent orders to his ambafsador to withdraw from that court; and, relying on the zealous fupport of his people, he is prepared to exert all the force and refources of his kingdoms, to repel so unprovoked and unjust an aggression." Addresses were voted by both houses, containing the strongest assurances of afsistance and fupport.

support. An amendment moved by Mr. Baker, containing a severe reflection on the conduct of the minister, was previously rejected in the house of commons by 263 voices against 113.

A fimilar amendment was moved in the upper house by the duke of Manchester, which gave rife to a debate, chiefly interesting as it brought into full view a very important difference of opinion subsisting between the Lords in opposition, and which had on various occasions more covertly appeared, respecting the recognition of American independence. The marquis of Rockingham, and the whole Rockingham connection, maintained without reserve the neceffity of admitting the independence of America. "To attempt impossibilities," said they, can only render our ruin inevitable; it is not now in our power to recover what we have wantonly thrown away." On the other hand, the earls of Chatham, Temple, and Shelburne, and several other lords, who had unhappily eftablished a distinct connection, and were, throughout the long course of oppofition to the present ministry, confidered as a feparate party, disclaimed every idea of relinquishing America, and deprecated its independence as the greatest of all political and national evils; and as including the utter degradation and final ruin of this country. The numbers on the division were, too lords who voted against the amendment, to 36 who supported it.

On the 7th of April, the duke of Richmond, at the close of the grand committee of enquiry, in which the upper house as well as that of the commons had been during the greater part of the session deeply engaged, moved an address to the king on the state of the Nation. In his speech in support of this address, his grace declared in. strong terms his conviction of the neceffity of an immediate recognition of American independence. "The mifchief, he said, whatever might be the magnitude of it, was already done; America was already loft; her independence

was