was as firmly established as that of other states. We had sufficient cause for regret, but our lamentation on the fubject was of no more avail than it would be for the lofs of Normandy or France." The earl of Chatham, in full expectation that this point would come under difcuffion this day, refolved, however enfeebled and afflicted by his corporeal infirmities, to make his personal appearance in the house, in order to bear his decided testimony against it. The mind feels interested in the minutest circumftances relating to the last day of the public life of this renowned statesman and patriot. He was dressed in a rich fuit of black velvet, with a full wig, and covered up to the knees in flannel. On his arrival in the house, he refreshed himself in the lord chancellor's room, where he staid till prayers were over, and till he was informed that business was going to begin. He was then led into the house by his fon and fon-in-law Mr. William Pitt and lord viscount Mahon, all the lords standing up out of respect, and making a lane for him topass to the earls' bench, he bowing very gracefully to them as he proceeded. He looked pale and much emaciated, but his eye retained all its native fire; which joined to his general deportment, and the attention of the house, formed a spectacle very striking and impref

five.

When the duke of Richmond had fat down, lord Chatham rose, and began by lamenting " that his bodily infirmities had fo long and at so important a crifis prevented his attendance on the duties of parliament. He declared, that he had made an effort almost beyond the powers of his constitution, to come down to the house on this day, perhaps the LAST time he should ever be able to enter its walls, to exprefs the indignation he felt at the idea which he understood was gone forth of yielding up the fovereignty of America. My lords," continued he, " I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me, that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this antient

and

and noble monarchy. Pressed down as I am by the load of infirmity, I am little able to affist my country in this most perilous conjuncture: but, my lords, while I have sense and memory, I never will consent to tarnish the luf tre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and fairest possessions. Shall a people so lately the terror of the world, now fall prostrate before the house of Bourbon? It is impossible. I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources of this kingdom, but I trust it has stili sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them not.-Any state, my lords, is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort-and, if we must fall, let us fall like men."

The duke of Richmond, in reply, declared himself to be "totally ignorant of the means by which we were to refift with success the combination of America with the house of Bourbon. He urged the noble lord to point out any possible mode, if he were able to do it, of making the Americans renounce that independence of which they were in poffeffion. His grace added, that if He could not, no man could; and that it was not in his power to change his opinion on the noble lord's authority, unsupported by any reasons, but a recital of the calamities arising from a state of things not in the power of this country now to alter."

Lord Chatham, who had appeared greatly moved dur ing the reply, made an eager effort to rife at the conclufion of it, as if laboring with some great idea, and impatient to give full scope to his feelings; but, before he could utter a word, preffing his hand on his bosom, he fell down fud. denly in a convulfive fit. The duke of Cumberland, lord Temple, and other lords near him caught him in their arms. The house was immediately cleared; and his lord. Thip being carried into an adjoining apartment, the debate was adjourned. Medical afsistance being obtained, his lordship in some degree recovered, and was conveyed to

his favorite villa of Hayes in Kent, where, after lingering

1

some few weeks, he expired May 11th, 1778, in the 70th year of his age.

On the first intelligence of his death, colonel Barré repaired to the house of commons, then fitting, and communicated the melancholy information. Although it was an event which had been for some time daily expected, the house seemed affected with the deepest sensibility, and for- row was apparent in every countenance. The recollection of his former pre-eminence in power, of his unrivalled eloquence, of his unwearied exertions in the public service, and of the unexampled prosperity to which Great Britain had attained under his administration, rushed upon the mind with irresistible force, and produced an emotion which the sympathy so powerful in popular afsemblies heightened to enthusiasm. The motion made by colonel Barré, " that the remains of the earl of Chatham be interred at the public expence," was unanimously adopted; with the farther addition, "that a monument be erected to his memory in the collegiate church of St. Peter, Westminster." This was followed by a motion from lord John Cavendish, for an address to the king, "that his majesty would be graciously pleased to make a permanent provifion for the family of the late WILLIAM PITT, earl of CHATHAM, in confideration of the services performed by that able statesman;" and in the sequel, a bill was brought into parliament, and unanimoufly paffed, by which a clear annuity of '400ol. per annum, payable out of the civil list, is for ever to be annexed to the earldom of Chatham, and the sum of 20,000l. voted for the discharge of debts and incumbrances. Thus nobly and gratefully did the nation reward the services of the man, whose counsels, to the amazement of the world, the had for fo many years neglected and contemned. The ready concurrence of the court in the honors lavished on the memory of this great statesman, may be ascribed entirely to the decided manner in which he delivered, almost in his last breath, his sentir

ments against the recognition of American Independence, and which may be regarded as the fole political error, with which, in respect to America, he is chargeable. What his precife ideas were, with regard to the plan of conciliation proper to be adopted in the actual circumstances of the nation, cannot be ascertained; but of this we may rest affured, from the uniform and systematic tenor of his policy, that he never would have employed coercive means in accomplishing it. When he found, and had he been restored to the plenitude of power he certainly would have found, America determined to maintain her independency, he must doubtless have discovered, and could not but have submitted to, the neceffity of recognizing it. It is exceedingly to be lamented, that personal and party confiderations prevented that firm and cordial coalefcence amongst the whigs in oppofition to the court, which was so necefsary to give efficacy to their exertions. The diflike of lord Chatham to the Newcastle or Rockingham party was invincible; and the divifions and animofities which originated in that diflike, and which his death was far from extinguishing, have at length terminated in what may be confidered as the almost total ruin of the Whig interest, and the final and complete triumph of the tories; at least till the calamities, which have never yet failed to result from a tory system of government in this country, shall again awaken the dormant spirit of whiggism in the nation, and confign the absurd, pernicious, and detestable maxims of tory government to public contempt and execration. But when a just allowance is made, and just allowance must be made for those imperfections from which no human character is exempt, lord Chatham will unqueftionably rank as one of the greatest, most enlightened, and beneficent statesmen that ever adorned the annals of any age or country.

The distresses in which the kingdom of Ireland was involved in consequence of the war, and the general and loud complaints complaints of the bulk of its inhabitants, made it absolutely necessary to attempt something farther for its relief; and in a committee of the whole house it was refolved,

I. That the Irish might be permitted to export directly to the British plantations or fettlements all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the produce of that kingdom, or of Great Britain, wool and woollen manufactures only excepted; as also foreign certificate goods legally imported.

II. That a direct importation be allowed of all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the produce of the British plantations, tobacco only excepted.

III. That the direct exportation of glass manufactured in Ireland be permitted to all places except Great Britain,

IV. That the importation of cotton yarn the manufacture of Ireland be allowed, duty free, into Great Britain; as also,

V. The importation of fail-cloth and cordage. These resolutions excited a very great and general alarm amongst the commercial part of the British nation, who seemed to confider the admiffion of Ireland to any participation in trade, as equally destructive to their property, and subversive of their rights.

After the recess, very many instructions and petitions were presented to the house in oppofition to them: and it deserves mention, as a striking instance of commercial folly and prejudice, that, in several of the petitions, the importation of Irish fail-cloth and of wrought iron is particularly specified as ruinous to the same manufactures in England; though it was by this time discovered, that, by a pofitive law of long standing, Ireland was in actual poffeffion of those very privileges, although the Irish were so far from being able to profecute these manufactures to any purpose of competition with the British, that great quantities of both were annually exported to the country from England. An almost equally great and equally groundless alarm had been taken at the bill paffed a few years fince for the free importation