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vindication of the authority of the British parliament to impose taxes in America. But then the taxes hitherto imposed, confifting of certain import and export duties, were invariably and profefsedly designed for the mere purpose of commercial regulation. It is remarkable, that the trivial and incidental produce of these duties was not even appropriated by parliament, and it was never so much as suspected that they would be quoted as cafes in point should a direct taxation be attempted. The project of Mr. Grenville, therefore, was of a nature perfectly novel. His avowed purpose was to raise a revenue in America in aid to the mother country, the entire produce of which was to be paid into the exchequer of Great Britain. This was a project in the highest degree alarming to the Americans; for if the claim of England to tax the colonies for her own benefit, and at her own difcretion, was once admitted, a system of oppreffion would be introduced, which from the irresistible tendencies of things would gradually become insupportably grievous; and which once established, no subsequent efforts would be able to destroy. No question could perhaps be agitated of more difficult or doubtful discussion than the extent of the conftitutional authority of Great Britain over America. It had never been analysed or defined: it was, indeed, in its own nature indefinable: it was only admitted in the general, that Great Britain poffefsed a difcretionary superintending power, pervading the whole empire, with respect to objects of great and common concern. This power had been invariably exercised with caution, prudence, and moderation; and the benefits arifing from it to the empire at large, and even to its colonies and dependencies separately confidered, were so manifest, that no disposition existed to call in question the validity of its acts, or to fix precise limits to its dominion. It was a political problem thrown as it were into shade, like various others, which it would be deemed highly imprudent to make the subject of a rigid or public fcrutiny. The precise extent of the prerogative of the crown, of the privileges

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of parliament, of the jurisdiction of the different courts of judicature, who is competent to delineate? or who would deem it difcreet or politic to create divisions and animofities in a state by a vain endeavor to afcertain questions, which folly and prefumption alone would without absolute neceffity agitate? But the indefinite authority possessed by Great Britain over the colonies, an authority so liable to abuse, so justly therefore the subject of jeaiousy, and which had maintained its full weight and energy, chiefly by the utility and propriety of its occasional exertions, it was now determined to put wildly and wantonly to the hazard by an attempt to exercise it in a mode absolutely unprecedented, and in the highest degree alarming, unconstitutional, and dangerous.

On the 10th of March 1764, the house of commons, at the motion of the minifter, passed a variety of resolutions, respecting certain new duties on foreign goods imported into the British colonies in America, which being primarily of the nature of commercial regulations, passed without any distinct or particular notice in the British parliament, though their equivocal complexion rendered them very distasteful to the Americans. But in the series of parliamentary refolutions was one of such peculiar importance, that Mr. Grenville himself declared his intention to referve the execution of it till the next year. This resolution imported, that it would be proper to impose certain STAMP DUTIES in the said colonies and plantations, for the purpose of raising an American revenue payable into the British exchequer. The profpect of being relieved by the taxation of America from a portion of the national burdens was so agreeable to the interest, and the unlimited exercise of authority so flattering to the pride, of this assembly, that the resolution in queftion passed the house with no violent or unusual oppofition. The dire effects of this measure it will be but too foon necessary to explain. In the mean time it is material to remark, that according to the true principles of the conftitution, even the produce of the duties impofed for the regulation of commerce ought, in order to guard against possible and eventual abuse, to have been paid not into the British exchequer, but into the colonial treasuries. The act of the 6th George II. impofing duties of a similar kind on foreign rums, melasses, &c. contained no claufe of appropriation; and so trivial was the produce of these duties, and fo evidently remote from any design of raising a revenue, that no political alarm was in fact excited in consequence of that act. But the apprehenfions of the Americans were at this period completely awakened by the declarations of the minister; and even this exercise of authority founded on recent precedent, was now the cause of jealousy and uneasiness. But still the greater share of the discontent attached to this meafure arofe from the extreme commercial inconvenience and embarrassiment they immediately felt from the operation of the new duties; in consequence of which, the trade from time immemorial carried on with the Spanish and French colonies, though legalized to a certain degree, was loaded with such burdens, as virtually amounted to the annihilation of an intercourse, which, however hitherto irregular, had been found by experience highly beneficial. As the heavy duties now imposed rendered on the one hand all legal commerce impracticable, on the other, the excessive rigor of the regulations accompanying them, the innumerable certificates, cockets, clearances, and affidavits required by the new revenue acts, fuddenly reduced the contraband traffic to a mere nullity. And the colonies, who had been accustomed to make a very large proportion of their returns to England in specie, received from the Spaniards, now found themselves reduced to a situation which left them utterly deftitute of the means of pursuing the routine of the established system. The grand machine of commerce was difordered in one of its main-springs, and its curious and com plicated movements were all at once alarmingly fufpended. The English minister, positive, conceited, and converfant only in the detail of business, thus discovered, amidst the

very fuccess of his projects, that original poverty of genius, which no acquisitions of knowledge, no experience, no industry can disguise or compenfate.

On the 5th of October 1763 died, after a reign of thirty years, Augustus III. king of Poland and elector of Saxony; and the election of a new monarch immediately engroffed the attention of the neighbouring powers. Although the elector, son of the late king, immediately offered himself as a candidate for the vacant throne, it appeared that the interests of the house of Saxony were on this occasion abandoned by those who had formerly so efficaciously supported them. The empress of Russia, whose ambitious and enterprising spirit now began to develop itself, espoused with great warmth the pretenfions of count Poniatowski, a Polish nobleman, who had resided for some time at Petersburg, and whom her imperial majesty had diftinguished by very flattering marks of her favor. And she now declared her resolution, paradoxical as it might appear to the world, " to fupport the freedom of the Polish election by force." The king of Pruffia, though his brother prince Henry had at first declared himself a candidate, was easily induced to acquiefce in this design of the empress-his principal object being to prevent the crown of Poland from becoming hereditary in the house of Saxony.

The court of Vienna, wearied and exhausted by the late war, though strongly biaffed in favour of the electoral family, would not openly oppose this potent combination, being at present chiefly intent on securing the fucceffion of the imperial crown by an election of a king of the Romans in the person of the archduke Joseph. The death of the elector of Saxony, which happened foon after that of his father, decided the contest. A diet was summoned by the archbishop of Gnesna, prince primate of Poland, on the 7th of May 1764, under the protection of the Ruffian forces. Count Branitzki, general of the crown, nevertheless, in conjunction with fixty-feven fenators and nuncios, figned a formal proteft protest against the validity of the diet, and with their parti fans began to assemble troops. In return he was divested of his office by the diet, and, being pursued by a superior force of Poles and Russians, was compelled to retire into Hungary. Many of the Polish mal-contents found refuge in Turkey, where the Imperial and French minifters had been affiduously employed in representing the proceedings of the diet as inimical to the interests of the Porte.

On the 7th of September 1764, the pacta conventa agreeably to antient custom being previously settled, count Poniatowski was declared king of Poland and great duke of Lithuania, and as such was either willingly or reluctantly recognized by all the powers of Europe. Amongst the most early in their congratulations was the king of Pruffia, who, with his own hand, wrote upon this occafion a letter to the king of Poland, in a style rarely adopted by fovereigns. "Your majesty, fays this great monarch, must reflect, that from a man exalted by the voice of his equals from a subject to a king, every thing is expected that can adorn a crown. A king whois so by birth, if he acts derogatory to his station, is a fatire only on himself; but an elected one, who behaves inconsistent with his dignity, reflects dishonour also on his subjects."

During the interregnum the afcendency acquired by Ruffia in the affairs of Poland very strikingly appeared. In compliance with the requifition of the empress, the diet declared the investiture of prince Charles of Saxony, A. D. 1758, as duke of Courland, to be null and void; and acknowledged count Biron, whom her imperial majesty had re-instated in the government, as the lawful duke, and decreed that the dignity should be perpetuated in the Biron family. At the same time the republic formally agreed to give the title of empress to the Czarina, and that of king to his Pruffian majesty, upon his engaging NEVER to lay claim to POLISH PRUSSIA. It is however very remarkable, that the empress, who had declared herself protectress of the diffidents

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