princes of the blood, four peers of France, and fixty other members of the parliament, was nominated to wait upon the king with fresh remonftrances: but the death of the duke, which took place about this time, put a stop to the proceedings;-leaving however upon the reflecting and philosophic mind an impreffion, that views and sentiments of a complexion novel and interesting were becoming daily more prevalent in France; and that causes permanent and powerful were now strongly, though secretly, operating, which must in process of time, and at the destined period, produce effects proportionably dangerous and violent *.

The tranquillity of the fouthern parts of Europe was at this period interrupted only by the war, which had for a feries of years subsisted with little intermifsion between the republic of Genoa and the inhabitants of Corfica, over which island the Genoese had long exercised a most imperious and oppreffive dominion. During the war of 1740, England had given repeated aid and assistance to the Corficans in their contest with Genoa, then in alliance with France and Spain; but at the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle no mention was made of those brave and unfortunate islanders, who still continued to defend their liberties with invincible resolution and fortitude. A certain German adventurer, known under the title of Baron Neuhoff, a man poffefsed of plausible and popular talents, had found means to obtain their confidence, and was actually elected, A. D. 1736, sovereign of the ifland, under the appellation of Theodore king of Corfica. But But being found utterly incompetent to make good his magnificent boasts and promises, he was compelled to abdicate. his sovereignty, and retired to England, where, being deeply involved in debt, he at length died in a forlorn and obscure situation. The Corficans, after the banishment of Theodore, transferred their regards, and in some measure their allegiance, to a native chief, of the name of Giacinto Paoli, whom they elected general of their armies, and president of their councils, and under whose direction and guidance they gained very fignal advantages over the troops of the republic; so that, had no other power interfered, there existed a strong probability that they would ultimately succeed in the establishment of their liberty and independence.

England, during the high tide of their successes, had demonstrated her regard to the pretended rights of the republic, by scrupulously refraining from all intercourse with the Corficans; though it would surely have been highly becoming her dignity, and that paffionate attachment to freedom by which she was herself characterized, to have interpofed her powerful influence in order to secure, as with the most perfect ease she might incontrovertibly have done, to these heroic islanders, the blefings of peace and liberty. But never, never hath an instance of national generofity similar to this found a place in the records of history. On the contrary, a proclamation was issued under the administration of lord Bute, strictly prohibiting the subjects of England from granting aid or assistance to the Corsican REBELS; and the republic of Genoa still perfifted in her fruitless and ruinous efforts to reduce them to absolute fubmiffion. At length, general Matra, the Genoese commander, being defeated with great loss in an engagement with the insurgents near Furiani; and Bastia, the capital of the island, appearing in imminent danger of falling into the hands of the Corficans (who in July 1755 had elected, as their chief, Pafcal Paoli, son of Giacinto); the senate of Genoa was compelled to make a formal application for affistance to the most chriftian king, the ally

of

of the republic; and in August 1764 a convention was figned at Compeigne, importing that his most christian majesty, in confideration of a certain stipulated subsidy, should fend a confiderable force both naval and military to the island of Corfica-the latter there to remain for the term of four years if needful; and on the restoration of peace his most christian majesty consented to guarantee the island to the republic. The Corficans, however, justly alarmed at this interference, refolved with inflexible constancy to defend their liberties at whatever risk, fully and immoveably determined to endure every extremity rather than submit themselves and their posterity to the insupportable yoke of Genoese tyranny and flavery. At the same time general Paoli was commissioned, respectfully to represent to his most christian majesty, in the name of the Corfican nation, the injury he was doing to the free Corficans, by sending his troops thither at the time they were upon the point of driving their enemies out of their island. And well knowing how unavailing this representation would probably prove, they charged their chief to folicit at the different courts of Europe, particularly those of Vienna and London, their mediation with his most christian majesty, and to implore their protection in defence of their rights and liberties. These applications, however, were doubtless received with coldness or contempt; for the French troops under the marquis de Marbœuf arrived without any impediment at the place of their destination within or about the end of the year, and were immediately put into possession of the principal fortresses of Corfica yet remaining in the hand of the Genoese.

In this general review of foreign politics, scarcely can be accounted worthy of mention the dispute subsisting between his Britannic majesty, as elector of Hanover, and the chapter of Ofnaburg, to the bishopric of which the king of England had, agreeably to the provisions of the treaty of Weftphalia, nominated his second son prince Frederic; during the minority of whom it became a subject of doubt and difcuffion

cussion, to whom belonged the administration of the temporalties of the see, and the comitial suffrage in the diet of the Empire-the appointinent of an infant bishop being a new cafe in ecclefiaftical history. In a contest so unequal it will easily be supposed that, on an appeal to the diet now affembled at Ratisbon, a decifion was given without hefitation in favor of the monarch.

It remains only to remark, that on the 30th of December 1765 died at Rome, in a far advanced age, the famous Chevalier de St. George, only fon of the late king James II. Born with the profpect of inheriting three powerful kingdoms, he experienced during the course of a long life only a fucceffion of misfortunes. So entirely had he furvived his political consequence, that the intelligence of his death was received in Great Britain with the utmost coldness and indifference; though his pretenfions to the British crown had, within the memory of the majority of persons living, excited the highest apprehenfion and alarm. And these claims, however futile in themselves, or with whatever serious mischief to the state attended, were at least productive of this good consequence, that they compelled the reigning family perpetually to recur to those great principles of liberty civil and religious on which their own title to the crown was founded. But the annihilation of all competition will too naturally lead to the revival of those high and lofty ideas of regal authority so flattering to the pride and ambition of kings, but which in this country at leaft cannot be acted upon but at their utmost peril. The chevalier left two fons, upon the eldest of whom devolved that shadow of a shade, the divine and indefeasible right of succession to the throne of Great Britain. The younger, educated an ecclefiaftic, had been advanced to the purple under the appellation of cardinal of York; and he is at this moment the last surviving male of the ancient and royal house of Stuart, which, having been precipitated from the height of regal fovereignty in consequence of its attachVOL. I.

G

ment to the catholic faith, thus, to close and confummate its glories, " pays the last tribute of a faint to heaven."

The parliament of England was convened at the usual period of the enfuing winter, and early in the year 1765 the question refpecting American taxation was revived with redoubled warmth and vigor. The indulgence of the minister in deferring the imposition of the stamp duties till the present year, had not produced any advances towards an accommodation. The difference of principle occafioned by the agitation of this new and dangerous question, was in fact far too great to admit of any amicable compromife. Numerous petitions or memorials were tranfmitted from the different colonies, none of them exprefsly admitting, but the majority on the contrary positively denying, the right of the British legiflature to impose any tax for the purpose of raifing a colonial revenue, at the disposal of the British parliament, and payable into the British exche

quer.

On the part of the colonifts it was urged, that the claim of England was not only absolutely novel, but diametrically opposite to the spirit and letter of the English conftitution, which has established as a fundamental axjom-that taxation is infeparably attached to reprefentation that as the colonies were not, and from local and political obstacles could not, be reprefented in the British parliament, it would be of the very essence of tyranny to attempt to exercise an authority over them, which from its very nature must lead to gross and inevitable abuse. For when Great Britain was in full poffeffion of the power now contended for, could it possibly be imagined, when a fum of money for the fupply of the exigencies of government was wanting, that the British parliament would not rather choose to vote, that it should be paid by the colonists, than by themfelves and their constituents?

In reply to the argument which stated as highly reafonable that America should contribute her proportion to the general