general expence of the empire, it was faid, " that America had never been deficient in contributing, at the constitutional requifition of the crown, in her own assemblies, to the utinost of her ability, towards the expences of the wars in which conjointly with England she had been involvedthat, in the course of the last memorable contest, large sums had been repeatedly voted by parliament, as an indemnification to the colonies for exertions which were allowed to be disproportionate to their means and resources * -that the proper compensation to Britain for the expence of rearing and protecting her colonies was the monopoly of their trade, the absolute direction and regulation of which was universally acknowledged to be inherent in the British legislature." It was however clearly intimated, that a specific sum in lieu of all other claims might be obtained from the colonies, if accepted as a voluntary offering, not as a revenue extorted by a tyrannical and lawless force, which left them no merit in giving, and which might ultimately leave them nothing to give.

The argument or pretext which appeared to excite most indignation in the breast of the Americans and of their advocates, was that which affected to deem them already represented; and as being, if not actually, yet virtually included in the general system of representation, in the same manner as that very large proportion of the inhabitants of the British island who have no votes in the election of members or representatives in the British parliament. "The

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"The very effence of representation," said America, "con fifts in this that the representative is himself placed in a situation analogous to those whom he represents, so that he shall be himself bound by the laws which he is entrusted to enact, and liable to the taxes which he is authorised to impofe. This is precisely the cafe with regard to the national representation of Britain. Those who do, and those who do not elect, together with the elected body themfelves, are, in refpect to this grand and indifpenfable requifite, upon a perfect equality that the laws made and the taxes impofed extend alike to all. Where then in this case is the danger of oppreffion, or where the inducement to opprefs? But in the cafe of American taxation, these mock representatives actually relieve themselves in the very fame proportion that they burden those whom they falsely and ridiculoufly pretend to reprefent. Where then in this cafe is the security against oppreffion? or where is the man so weak and prejudiced as not to fee the irresistible tendency of this system to oppreffion, however honest and upright candor would reprefent the intentions of those by whom it should be originally established?"

It is painful to reflect how little influence thefe clear and irrefragable reasonings had in an assembly fo intelligent and dignified as that of the parliament of Great Britain. Jealous in the highest degree, in common with all other bodies of men in whom power is vested, of the flightest violation of their authority, they unanimously concurred, however divided on other points, in not fuffering the memorials which questioned their jurisdiction to be read in the houfe of commons, The Minifter indeed proposed, that the colonial agents might be indulged in being heard at the bar of the houfe by counsel, contrary to the usual parliamentary practice, against the tax, in behalf of their respective colonies; but this was refused as derogatory to the honor of the colonies, who would not on this occafion petition, but protest: and the STAMP ACT, after paffing through through the usual forms, and confiding in the support of great and decisive majorities, received at length the royal affent.

The oppofition to this famous act, though weak in respect to numbers, was nevertheless unusually ardent and animated. General Conway, with the magnanimous firmness of an ABDIEL, singly protested against the right; and colonel Barré, a speaker of great eminence in the house, in reply to the reflections of Mr. Charles Townshend on the pretended ingratitude of the Americans, whom he styled " children planted by our care, and nourished by our indulgence," broke out into a most eloquent and indignant exclamation" They planted by your care!" said he, "NO- your oppressions planted them in America-they fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhofpi table wilderness, exposed to all the hardships to which human nature is liable. They nourished by your indulgence! -No; they grew by your neglect of them: your care of them was displayed, as foon as you began to care about them, in fending persons to rule them who were the depu ties of deputies of ministers-men whose behaviour on many occafions has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them-men who have been promoted to the highest feats of justice in that country, in order to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. I have been converfant with the Americans, and I know them to be loyal indeed; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated: and let my prediction of this day be remembered, that the same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still." The house sat awhile apparently hefitating and amazed, but the event shewed how tranfient was the impression.

An occasional indisposition of the king exciting much alarm in the possible profpect of a long minority, for which no public provision had been made, on the 22d of April 1765 the king went in state to the house of peers, and in a speech to both houses of parliament recommended to their serious attention the making such provifion as would be necessary in cafe any of his children should succeed to the throne before they should respectively attain the age of eighteen years. In confequence of this recommendation a bill was brought into the house of lords, framed on the plan of the regency act, of the twenty-fourth of the late king, empowering his majesty to appoint, by instrument in writing under his fign manual, either the queen or any other person of his royal family usually refident in Great Britain, to be regent of these kingdoms until the successor to the crown shall attain the age of eighteen years. The council of regency to confift of the dukes of York and Gloucefter, the princes Henry Frederic and Frederic William, brothers to the king; William Augustus duke of Cumberland, uncle to his majesty; and the great officers of state for the time being.

Some remarkable circumstances attended the origin and progress of this bill. It was understood to be introduced into parliament oficially only, the ostensible minifters not having been previously or confidentially confulted on the subject. A doubt arifing on the question, "Who were the royal family?" it was explained by the law lords to be the descendants of king George II. and in this conftruction lord Halifax, the secretary of state, most readily acquiefced, declaring it to be perfectly confonant to the royal intention. In this point however his lordship appeared to be egregiously mistaken; for when the bill was tranfmitted to the commons, a motion was made by Mr. Morton, a confidential friend of the earl of Bute, to infert the name of her royal highness the princess dowager of Wales, the omiffion of which was declared to be a gross indignty offered to a princess who merited the esteem and gratitude of the English nation. The bill accordingly paffed with this important amendment; but it foon appeared that a very deep refentment

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sentment was harbored by the princess at the conduct of the ministers in the whole of this transaction, which she considered as an open and flagrant affront, instigated by a malicious and infidious design on their part to exclude her altogether from the future eventual administration of affairs. A resolution was immediately formed by the cabinet of Carlton House to discard the present ministers, who had lately on various occafions been found very refractory. For this purpose it was necessary to make overtures either to Mr. Pitt or the duke of Newcastle, the leaders of the two great parties now in opposition.

At the latter end of May (1765) the duke of Cumberland held a conference with lord Temple and Mr. Pitt at Hayes, and acquainted them that the king had resolved to change his ministers, and wished to engage his lordship, Mr. Pitt, and their friends in his service; but first the duke requested " to know the conditions." Mr. Pitt with warmth assured his royal highness, " that he was ready to go to St. James's on this provifo that he could carry the constitution along with him." The result of the conference not being fatisfactory, it became a matter of indifpensable necessity to continue for some time longer the present minifters in office. But Mr. Grenville, now thoroughly apprized of the hoftile resolutions of those who directed the interior cabinet, and presuming on their present inabity to carry their designs into execution, kept no measures with the court, and insisted, in concert with the duke of Bedford and his other colleagues, upon the immediate difmiffion of Mr. Stuart Mackenzie, brother to lord Bute; the duke of Northumberland, whose son had recently married the daughter of lord Bute; and Mr. Fox, his constant and powerful parliamentary advocate, now created lord Holland. And the duke of Bedford is faid to have made personally to the king warm and indignant remonstrances against that system of baseness and duplicity of